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Exploring the Investment and Gaming Tech Nexus MicroStrategy, primarily known for its enterprise analytics and mobility software, has become a remarkable player in the domain of cryptocurrency investments. The company’s extensive commitment to Bitcoin has effectively tied its stock price to the cryptocurrency market’s volatile performance. In recent times, as Bitcoin and other digital currencies play an increasingly vital role in virtual economies, MicroStrategy’s movements offer intriguing insights into the future of gaming and digital transactions. A New Player in Gaming Economies? The gaming industry, riding the wave of blockchain technology, is exploring how decentralized currencies can enhance in-game economies and transactions. While not originally linked to gaming, MicroStrategy’s substantial Bitcoin holdings hint at potential synergies. As games increasingly incorporate blockchain and cryptocurrencies—whether via NFTs, play-to-earn models, or digital asset ownership—the company’s fortunes could indirectly impact gaming ecosystems. Investors and gaming industry stakeholders have their eyes on MicroStrategy’s strategic decisions as potential early indicators of broader trends. Betting on the Future? MicroStrategy’s stock, traditionally analyzed through the lens of enterprise solutions, now finds itself scrutinized through a dual lens; its integration with crypto influencing its potential role in the gaming world. As gaming companies explore new economic models, those observing MicroStrategy’s stock movement might glean unique foresights, especially considering the company’s bullish stance on Bitcoin. While the interplay between these domains remains speculative, the connection between technological adoption and investment opportunities creates a fascinating narrative worthy of avid monitoring. In conclusion, as digital economies evolve, MicroStrategy’s stock price offers an unexpected, yet captivating window into emerging trends at the intersection of finance and gaming. The Future of Crypto and Gaming: MicroStrategy’s Unlikely Influence As the lines between digital finance and gaming continue to blur, MicroStrategy has emerged as a key player not only in cryptocurrency investments but also as a potential influencer in gaming economies. Here’s an in-depth look into the evolving nexus between investment strategies, digital currencies, and gaming innovations. Insights into MicroStrategy’s Crypto Strategy MicroStrategy’s deep dive into Bitcoin investment has opened new avenues for understanding the dynamics of cryptocurrency markets. Their staunch support of Bitcoin reflects a broader trend towards embracing digital currencies as a strategic business asset. This move aligns with the increasing adoption of cryptocurrencies in global financial systems, providing a framework for companies looking to diversify their investment portfolios with digital assets. Impact on Gaming Economies While not a gaming company, MicroStrategy’s influence extends indirectly into gaming economies. Here’s how: – Decentralized Finance and Gaming : As blockchain technology permeates gaming, decentralized currencies offer secure, transparent, and efficient transaction processes. MicroStrategy’s crypto-heavy portfolio signals confidence in these technologies, and their business model showcases the potential of crypto integration in other verticals, including gaming. – Play-to-Earn Models : Cryptocurrencies facilitate innovative play-to-earn models, enhancing player engagement and monetization strategies. MicroStrategy’s actions could drive further exploration into how Bitcoin can fuel these evolving models, providing robust investment platforms for gaming companies. Pros and Cons of Crypto Investments Pros: – Diversification : Incorporating cryptocurrencies provides portfolio diversification, hedging against traditional market fluctuations. – Early Adoption Benefits : As crypto adoption rises, early adopters may benefit significantly from price surges and technological advancements. Cons: – Volatility : Cryptocurrencies are notorious for their price volatility, which can impact stock values and investor sentiments. – Regulatory Uncertainty : Without clear regulations, companies face risks from potential government crackdowns or policy changes. Future Trends and Predictions – Increased Crypto Adoption : As digital finance becomes mainstream, more companies may mimic MicroStrategy’s model, integrating crypto assets into their strategies. – Blockchain Expansion : Expect to see a further merger of blockchain with gaming, enhancing decentralization, ownership rights, and digital economies. Conclusion The interplay between MicroStrategy’s Bitcoin investment strategy and the gaming industry highlights the transformative potential of cryptocurrencies. While the direct connection remains speculative, the broader implications for digital financial models are significant. Companies, investors, and stakeholders should monitor these developments closely to stay ahead in an increasingly digital and decentralized world. For more insights on digital finance and technology trends, visit MicroStrategy .After the apparent benefits to Israel of Syria’s government collapse, the best time to ensure “escalation dominance” and a non-nuclear Iran will still be while its recalcitrant enemy in Tehran is still pre-nuclear. Though Israel’s capacity for missile defense against Iran has already been demonstrated by Jerusalem, even the best active defenses could never offer Israel a reliably long-term survival substitute for apt strategies of offense. Finally because Iran maintains close security ties with an already-nuclear North Korea, Israel will have to consider that non-Islamist adversary in its “post-Syria” calculations and calibrations. Of related importance, Israel will need to determine how the fall of Russia’s surrogate in Damascus will impact Moscow’s continued support of Tehran. After the Syrian collapse, Israel’s nuclear strategy will remain relevant to Iranian non-nuclear threats. Determining variously precise levels of strategic relevance, however, would be difficult in periods of active warfare. During such bewildering periods, Israeli determinations would depend significantly on “soft” explanatory factors such as Iranian leadership rationality and the anticipated destructiveness of Iran-inflicted non-nuclear harms. Moreover, this critical dependence would apply to Iranian first-strike attacks, retaliatory attacks and counter-retaliatory attacks. Variously intersecting issues will need to be considered in Jerusalem. It would be capricious to argue that Israel’s nuclear deterrence posture should necessarily parallel prospective Iranian destructiveness (closely or partially) or that Iranian non-nuclear threats (whether singly by Iran, Iran-based interstate alliances (including North Korea) or Iran-terror-group “hybrids” should be symmetrically countered. Only one thing is certain: appearances will be unreliable predictors. At first glance, a “symmetry hypothesis” could seem to make perfect sense. But strategic truth is excruciatingly complex and could quickly or incrementally prove indecipherable. Because virtually all Israel-related nuclear scenarios would be (i.e., without determinable precedent), nothing of any scientific value could be extrapolated. Concerning Israeli nuclear decision-makers’ usable probabilities, all they could reasonably be asked to accept would be competing iterations of subjective belief. Israel’s core strategies will still need to be informed by refined philosophies of science. In this primary obligation, meaningful assessments of hypotheses concerning “asymmetrical nuclear deterrence” and Israeli national security will need to be founded on formal deductive examinations This unchallengeable imperative indicates that Israeli intelligence assessments devoid of verifiable empirical content could still be usefully predictive. Even in the midst of future war with Iran, these assessments should be supportable by immutably basic standards of logic-based assessment: internal consistency, thematic interconnectedness and dialectical reasoning. A good place for Israeli strategists to accelerate time-urgent investigations would be within the “grey area” of Iranian non-nuclear threats that are unconventional. Most obvious would be credible enemy threats of biological warfare, biological terrorism and/or electromagnetic pulse (EMP) attacks. While non-nuclear by definition, biological warfare attacks could produce grievously injurious or near-existential event outcomes for Israel. Apart from science-based expectations of significant human harms, biological warfare attacks would likely have material impact on public fears and national decisions. Similar impacts could be expected from different scenarios involving EMP ordnance. Israeli policies of calibrated nuclear reprisal for biological warfare (BW) attacks could exhibit compelling deterrent effectiveness against certain limited types of adversary. Such policies would be inapplicable against any threats issuing from terror groups that function alone, i.e., without recognizable state alignments. In such residual cases, Israel, lacking any operational targets more suitable for nuclear targeting, would need to “fall back” on the more usual arsenals of counter-terrorist methods. In the future, such a tactical retrogression would be required even if the particular terror group involved had revealed believable nuclear threat capabilities. Because such terrorists could identify personal death as a sanctifying expression of religious martyrdom Israeli planners might have to draw upon continuously mutating psychological assessments. What about Iranian conventional threats that would involve neither nuclear nor biological hazards, but be massive enough to produce near-existential harms? As a conventional aggressor, Iran could reasonably calculate that Jerusalem would make good on some identifiable portion of its nuclear threats. Here, however, Israel’s nuclear deterrent threat credibility would be dependent on variously antecedent or coinciding shifts from “deliberate nuclear ambiguity” (the so-called “bomb in the basement”) to “selective nuclear disclosure.” Additional nuances will require correlative Israeli decisions. As a direct consequence of diminished nuclear ambiguity, Jerusalem should signal its Iranian adversary that Israel would wittingly cross the nuclear retaliatory threshold to prevent any acts of existential or near-existential aggression. Using more expressly military parlance, Israel’s immediate shift to apt forms of selective nuclear disclosure should seek to ensure the Jewish State’s success in expected struggles for “escalation dominance.” In part, the nuclear deterrence advantages for Israel of moving from deliberate nuclear ambiguity to selective nuclear disclosure would lie in the signal it could “telegraph” to a still non-nuclear Iran. Such a signal would warn this adversary that Jerusalem was not limited to launching retaliations that employ massive and/or disproportionate levels of nuclear force. A still-timely Israeli move from nuclear ambiguity to nuclear disclosure could improve Israel’s prospects for deterring large-scale conventional attacks with “tailored” nuclear threats. After Syria’s collapse, a not-yet-nuclear Iran might more reasonably fear certain new Israel-Sunni Arab alignments. Israeli nuclear deterrence benefits against non-nuclear threats could extend to threats of nuclear counter-retaliation. If, for example, Israel initiates the next and more protracted cycle of war with Iran – a survival-based initiative that could represent “anticipatory self-defense” under Westphalian international law – the likelihood of suffering any massive Iranian conventional retaliation might be diminished. In essence, by moving immediately from deliberate nuclear ambiguity to selective nuclear disclosure, Jerusalem could upgrade its overall deterrence posture vis-à-vis Iran. In protecting itself from deliberate nuclear attack, Israeli strategists should accept certain core assumptions of Iranian enemy rationality. But even if these assumptions were well-founded, there would remain variously attendant dangers of unintentional or inadvertent nuclear war. These potentially existential dangers could be produced by enemy hacking operations, computer malfunction (an accidental nuclear war) or decision-making miscalculation (whether by Iran, by Israel, or by both/all parties.) In the portentous third scenario, damaging synergies could arise that would prove extremely difficult or even impossible to halt. To an unforeseeable extent, the geo-strategic search for “escalation dominance” by all sides to a potentially nuclear conflict would enlarge the risks of an inadvertent nuclear war. These risks would include prospects of a nuclear war by accident and/or decisional miscalculation. The “solution” here could not be to simply wish-away the common search for “escalation dominance” (any such wish would be contrary to the “logic” of balance-of-power world politics), but to manage all prospectively nuclear crises at their lowest possible levels of destructiveness. Wherever feasible, it would be best to avoid such crises altogether, and to maintain in place reliable “circuit breakers” against strategic hacking or technical malfunction. In the expanding cauldron of Middle Eastern chaos, Israel will need to assess and re-assess its ties to certain Sunni Arab states. Among other things, Israeli nuclear strategists should competently re-assess the Trump-era “Abraham Accords:” Have these agreements given Israel any greater cause for security confidence, or do they enhance “peace” only where there have never been actual adversaries? And have the Abraham Accords hardened the Middle East Sunni-Shia dualism, thereby rendering Iran and its terror-surrogates an even greater threat to Israel? Though Israel has no regional nuclear adversaries at present, the steady approach of a nuclear Iran could encourage rapid nuclearization among such Sunni Arab states as Saudi Arabia, Egypt or United Arab Emirates (UAE). Following the turnover of Afghanistan to Taliban and other Islamist forces, the strengthening of al-Qaeda and ISIS offshoots in post-Assad Syria and the Pakistan cultivation of improved relations with Iran, non-Arab Pakistan could more likely become a direct adversary of Israel. Pakistan is an already nuclear Islamic state with substantial ties to China and Saudi Arabia. Pakistan, like Israel, is not a party to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty or NPT. During any war with Iran, Jerusalem would need to “keep an eye” on Islamabad. “Everything is very simple in war,” says Carl von Clausewitz in “but the simplest thing is very difficult.” Longer term, salient issues of Israeli nuclear deterrence against non-nuclear threats could be impacted by Palestinian statehood To wit, while rarely mentioned in the same breath as nuclear war, the creation of Palestine could meaningfully affect Israel’s war preparations against a still non-nuclear Iran. , if Israel’s war against Iran were fought or continued after that enemy state became nuclear, the presence of a Palestinian state could negatively affect the correlation of military forces in the region. For the moment, a Palestinian state is generally “off the radar.” Nonetheless, it is reasonable to argue that once Palestine came into formal or existence as a sovereign state, any prior shift in Israel’s nuclear strategy from to would reduce Israel’s Jerusalem’s incentive to war against Iran. This expectation could make strategic sense only if Israel were first willing to believe that its nuclear deterrent threat, as a determinable consequence of this shift, was being taken with greater seriousness by Iran. Several corollary problems will soon need to be considered. First, how would Israel’s leadership actually that taking its bomb out of the “basement” had improved its nuclear deterrence posture regarding Iran? To an unpredictable extent, the credibility of Jerusalem’s nuclear threats would be contingent upon the variable severity of different provocations. It might prove believable if Israel were to threaten nuclear reprisals for provocations that endanger the physical survival of the state, but it would almost certainly be unbelievable to threaten such reprisals for relatively minor territorial infringements or almost any level of terrorist attack. Whatever analysts might conclude on such questions, because there exists no discoverable frequency of pertinent past events, judgments of probability Israel’s planners could represent only what Oswald Spengler famously called “glorified belief” in . There are other problems. To function successfully, Israel’s nuclear deterrent, even after conspicuous removal from the “basement,” would have to appear secure from Iranian preemptive strikes. Accordingly, Israel would need to be especially wary of “decapitation,” of losing the “head” of its military command and control system as a result of Iranian strikes. If Iran should remain unpersuaded by Jerusalem’s sudden shift away from deliberate nuclear ambiguity, it could initiate non-nuclear strikes that weaken or eviscerate Israel’s These strikes could include use of radiation dispersal weapons or electromagnetic pulse weapons (EMP). Also to be taken seriously by Jerusalem would be an Iranian and/or surrogate conventional missile attack on Israel’s nuclear reactor at In weighing different arguments concerning the effect of Palestine upon Israeli nuclear deterrence, specific attention should be directed toward (1) Israel’s presumptions about the imminence and longevity of unconventional war; and (2) Israel’s long-term expectations regarding Iranian strategic vulnerability. Should Israel’s leaders conclude that the creation of Palestine would make an imminent unconventional war more destructive and that Iranian vulnerability to Israeli strikes would diminish, Jerusalem’s inclination to strike massively against Iran could be increased. To a still-indecipherable extent, Israel’s tactical/operational judgments on striking first would be affected by antecedent decisions on nuclear strategy. these critical decisions would concern “counter value” vs. “counterforce” targeting issues. If Israel should opt for nuclear deterrence based on an “assured destruction” (“counter value”) strategy, Jerusalem would likely choose a relatively small number of weapons that might be relatively inaccurate. A “counterforce” strategy, on the other hand, would require a larger number of more accurate weapons, ordnance that could destroy even the most hardened enemy targets. To an extent, “going for counterforce” could render Israeli nuclear threats more credible. This conclusion would be based largely on the assumption that because the effects of war-fighting nuclear weapons would be more precise and controlled, they would also be more amenable to actual use. Already, this precise calculation animates Pakistan’s strategy vis-à-vis India. Other things being equal, openly war-fighting postures of Israeli nuclear deterrence would more likely encourage Israeli defensive strikes. If counterforce targeted nuclear weapons were ever fired, especially in a proliferated regional setting, the resultant escalation could produce extensive counter value nuclear exchanges. Even if such escalations were averted, the “collateral” effects of counterforce detonations could prove devastating. In making its nuclear choices, Israel will have to confront a paradox. Credible nuclear deterrence, essential to Israeli security and survival in a world made more dangerous by the creation of Palestine, would require “usable” nuclear weapons. If, after all, these weapons were patently inappropriate for any reasonable objective, they would not deter. At the same time, the more usable such nuclear weapons become in order to enhance nuclear deterrence, the more likely it is, at one time or another, they will actually be fired. While this paradox would seem to suggest the rationality of Israel deploying only the least-harmful forms of usable nuclear weapons, the fact that there could be no reliably coordinated agreements with Iran on deployable nuclear weapons points to a markedly different conclusion. Unless Israel were to calculate that more harmful weapons would produce greater hazards for its own population as well as for target populations, there would exist no tactical benefit to opting for the least injurious nuclear weapons. For the moment, at least, it appears that Israel has rejected any nuclear warfighting strategies of deterrence in favor of a still-implicit counter-value engagement posture. But this could change in response to the pace and direction of any ongoing Israel-Iran war and of Iranian nuclearization. In view of what is now generally recognized, there is every good reason to assume that Israel’s nuclear arsenal does exist and that Israel’s assorted enemies share this critical assumption. The most critical question about Israel’s nuclear deterrent, however, is not about , but . How likely is it that Israel, after launching non-nuclear strikes against Iranian hard targets would respond to enemy reprisals with a nuclear counter-retaliation? To answer this core question, Israel’s decision-makers will first have to put themselves into the shoes of pertinent Iranian leaders. Will these leaders calculate that they can afford to retaliate massively against Israel, i.e., that such retaliation would not produce a nuclear counter-retaliation? In asking this question, they will assume, of course, a non-nuclear retaliation against Israel. Depending upon the way in which the enemy decision-makers interpret Israel’s authoritative perceptions, they will accept or reject the cost-effectiveness of a non-nuclear retaliation against Israel. This means that it is likely in Israel’s best interests to communicate the following strategic assumption to all its existential enemies: . The plausibility of this assumption would be enhanced if enemy reprisals were to involve chemical, biological or EMP weapons. All such “glorified belief” calculations assume enemy rationality. In the absence of calculations that compare the costs and benefits of all strategic alternatives, what will happen in the imminent Israel-Iran must remain a matter of conjecture. The prospect of non-rational judgments in such a conflict is always plausible, especially as the influence of Islamist/ ideology could remain determinative among Iranian decisional elites. Still, various dangers of a nuclear war will obtain even among fully rational adversaries. This includes both deliberate nuclear war and inadvertent unclear war. Israel’s nuclear deterrent should always remain oriented toward dominating escalation at multiple and intersecting levels of conventional and unconventional enemy threats. For this to work, Israeli strategic planners should continuously bear in mind that intra-war operational success will depend on prior formulations of suitable national doctrine or strategic theory. In the end, the truest forms of Israeli power will have to reflect “a triumph of mind over mind,” not just of “mind over matter.” The most persuasive forms of military power on planet earth are not guns, battleships or missiles. Rather, they are believable promises of “life everlasting” or personal immortality When one finally uncovers what is most utterly important to the vast majority of human beings, this factor is a presumptive Lamentably, individuals all over the world too often regard the corrosive dynamics of belligerent nationalism as a preferred path to personal immortality. Why else, in essentially all global conflict ( national and -national) would each side seek so desperately align with God? Always, the loudest nationalistic claim is manipulatively reassuring: “Fear not,” the citizens and subjects are counseled, “God is on our side.” In our present analytic context, what promise could possibly prove more heartening to Israel’s enemies and more fearsome to Israel? Ultimately, Israel’s most compelling forms of strategic influence will derive not from high technology weaponry, but from the evident advantages of intellectual power. These always-overriding advantages must be explored and compared according to two very specific but overlapping criteria of assessment: law and strategy. In certain circumstances, these complex expectations might not be congruent or “in synch” with each other, but contradictory. Here, the underlying “mind over mind” challenges to Israel would become excruciatingly difficult; nonetheless, successful decision-making outcomes could still be kept in plain sight and remain sufficiently credible. What will be required will be a suitably theoretical appreciation of decisional complexity and a corresponding willingness to approach all relevant issues from convergent standpoints of science, intellect and dialectical analysis. In principle, at least, cumulative policy failures could produce broadly existential outcomes. Acknowledging this, Israel’s policy planners and decision–makers should strive to ensure that the beleaguered country’s nuclear deterrent could protect against large-scale non-nuclear attacks. A first step in reaching this assurance should be the systematic application of formal decision-theory to the “Iran problem,” a deductive task that would (1) not depend on historical precedent or data; and (2) give informed support to Israeli leadership decisions on nuclear deterrence and “escalation dominance.” For Israel, the primary battlefield with Iran should always be viewed as an intellectual rather than territorial arena. Despite recurrent threats of annihilation, Israel has never issued any expressly nuclear threats to Iran or its proxies. But present times are more strategically uncertain than ever before, and Israel’s optimal path to managing a catastrophic war with Iran should be to keep that threat non-nuclear. It follows that Jerusalem should prepare to use graduated nuclear threats against Iran . Among other things, this raises the prospect of a “limited nuclear war.” Immediately, to best ensure that Israeli paths to escalation dominance remain “navigable,” Jerusalem will need to implement far-reaching shifts from “deliberate nuclear ambiguity” to “selective nuclear disclosure.” For the moment, there would appear to be no more promising way to protect the Jewish State from an unconventional and eventually nuclear war with Iran. Such implementation could also serve Israel’s security needs vis-à-vis a nuclear North Korea functioning as Iranian military proxy, and prospectively-nuclear Sunni Arab states such as Egypt or Saudi Arabia. Though the rationale for Sunni state nuclearization would be national self-defense from a nearly-nuclear Shiite state adversary in Tehran, this does not mean that these Arab states would become “friends of Israel.” Instead, it could signal the beginnings of a worst-case scenario in which the still-beleaguered Jewish State would face similarly recalcitrant nuclear foes. Summing up all pertinent arguments, there is nothing about the recent collapse of Syria’s al-Assad regime that should diminish Israel’s protection efforts against a still-nuclearizing Iran. Quite the contrary. The author’s first comprehensive examination of this issue was: Louis René Beres, (1986). But see also more recent: Louis René Beres, (2016; 2 ed., 2018). Expressions of enemy irrationality could take different or overlapping forms. These include a disorderly or inconsistent value system; computational errors in calculation; an incapacity to communicate efficiently; random or haphazard influences in the making or transmittal of particular decisions; and the internal dissonance generated by any structure of collective decision-making (i.e., assemblies of pertinent individuals who lack identical value systems and/or whose organizational arrangements impact their willing capacity to act as a single or unitary national decision maker). See authoritative at BESA (Israel). Says Carl on Clausewitz: “Defensive warfare does not consist of waiting idly for things to happen. We must wait only if it brings us visible and decisive advantages. That calm before the storm, when the aggressor is gathering new forces for a great blow, is most dangerous for the defender.” (See 1812). A similarly timeless argument was made much earlier by ancient Chinese military thinker Sun-Tzu in “Those who excel at defense bury themselves away below the lowest depths of Earth. Those who excel at offense move from above the greatest heights of Heaven. Thus they are able to preserve themselves and attain completer victory.” See also an by this writer, Louis René Beres, at Harvard Law School, . Such calculations would essentially be dialectical. The term “dialectical” originates from Greek expression for the art of conversation. A common contemporary meaning is method of seeking truth by correct reasoning. From the standpoint of shaping Israel’s intra-war deterrence strategy vis-à-vis Iran, the following operations should be regarded as essential but nonexclusive components: (1) a method of refutation conducted by examining logical consequences; (2) a method of division or repeated logical analysis of genera into species; (3) logical reasoning using premises that are probable or generally accepted; (4) formal logic; and (5) the logical development of thought through thesis and antithesis to fruitful synthesis of these opposites. In world politics and law, a state or insurgent-group is determinedly rational to the extent that its leadership always values collective survival more highly than any other conceivable preference or combination of preferences. An insurgent/terrorist force will not always display such a clarifying or “helpful” preference ordering. Pertinent “post-Syria” examples regarding Israel are assorted Sunni jihadists spawned or strengthened by al-Assad’s overthrow. In essence, these coalescing terror groups represent new variants of al-Qaeda and ISIS. See: Anatol Rapoport, (1964). Says Rapoport, in an early observation that now applies usefully to Israel, Iran and nuclear war avoidance: “Formal decision-theory does not depend on data.... The task of theory is confined to the construction of a deductive apparatus, to be used in deriving logically necessary conclusions from given assumptions.” See, for example, by this author: Louis René Beres, “Martyrdom and International Law,” , September 10, 2018; and Louis René Beres, “Religious Extremism and International Legal Norms: Perfidy, Preemption and Irrationality,” Vol. 39, No.3., 2007-2008, pp. 709-730. See by this author, Louis René Beres, at INSS (Tel Aviv). Embedded in attempts to achieve this success would be variously credible threats of “assured destruction.” This term references ability to inflict “unacceptable damage” after absorbing an attacker’s first strike. In the traditional nuclear lexicon, (MAD) would describe a stand-off condition in which an assured destruction capacity is possessed by both (or all) opposing sides. would be those which target only an adversary’s strategic military facilities and supporting infrastructure. Such strategies could be dangerous not only because of the “collateral damage” they might produce, but also because they could heighten the likelihood of first-strike attacks. would refer to harms done to human and non-human resources as a consequence of strategic strikes directed at enemy forces or military facilities. Even such “unintended” damage could quickly involve large numbers of casualties/fatalities. In effect, Israel’s posture of deliberate nuclear ambiguity was already breached by two of the country’s prime ministers, first, by Shimon Peres, on December 22, 1995, and second, by Ehud Olmert, on December 11, 2006. Peres, speaking to a group of Israeli newspaper and magazine editors, then stated publicly: “...give me peace, and we’ll give up the atom. That’s the whole story.” When, later, Olmert offered similarly general but also revelatory remarks, they were described widely (and benignly) as “slips of the tongue.” It’s now a very delicate regional balance of power for Israel to negotiate. For years, a Salafi/Deobandi (Sunni) Crescent has emerged to challenge the Shiite axis. With the fall of al-Assad in Syria, this axis has been weakened, most obviously Iran. At the same time, Iran will still find support in parts of Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, while Israel will now have to deal with the potentially more problematic Sunni terrorists actively institutionalizing operations in Damascus. This lawful option can be found in customary international law. The most precise origins of in such authoritative law lie in the a case that concerned the unsuccessful rebellion of 1837 in Upper Canada against British rule. Following this case, the serious threat of armed attack has generally justified certain militarily defensive actions. In an exchange of diplomatic notes between the governments of the United States and Great Britain, then U.S. Secretary of State Daniel Webster outlined a framework for self-defense that did not require an antecedent attack. Here, the jurisprudential framework permitted a military response to a so long as the danger posed was “instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice of means, and no moment for deliberation.” See: Beth M. Polebaum, “National Self-defense in International Law: An Emerging Standard for a Nuclear Age,” 59 N.Y.U.L. Rev. 187, 190-91 (1984) (noting that the case had transformed the right of self-defense from an excuse for armed intervention into a legal doctrine). Still earlier, see: Hugo Grotius, 2 168-75 (Carnegie Endowment Trust, 1925) (1625); and Emmerich de Vattel, , 3 Classics of International Law, 130 (Carnegie Endowment Trust, 1916) (1758). Also, Samuel Pufendorf, 32 (Frank Gardner Moore., tr., 1927 (1682). The Peace of Westphalia (1648) concluded the Thirty Years War and created the still-existing state system. See: , Oct. 1648, 1 Consol. T.S. 271; and , Oct. 1648, 1., Consol. T.S. 119. Together, these two treaties comprise the “Peace of Westphalia.” Incontestably, since this Peace put an end to the last of the major religious wars sparked by the Reformation, the “state system” has been ridden with evident strife and recurrent calamity. As a global “state of nature” characterized by interminable “war of all against all” (a the conspicuous legacy of Westphalia has proven disappointing. . The idea of a – an idea of which the nuclear-age is merely a modern variant – has never been more than facile metaphor. Oddly, it has never had anything to do with ascertaining equilibrium. As such, balance is always more-or-less a matter of individual subjective perception. Adversarial states can never be sufficiently confident that identifiable strategic circumstances are actually “balanced” in their favor. In consequence, each side must perpetually fear that it will be left behind, a fear creating ever-wider patterns of world system insecurity and disequilibrium. See the Declaration; Also to be considered as complementary in this connection is the (October 23, 2020) and (December 10, 2020). See David Albright and Sarah Burkhard, “ ,” Institute for Science and International Security (December 10, 2024). In essence, this technical report “sounds an alarm” that there is taking place “a dangerous increase in Iran’s enrichment activities at the Fordow enrichment plant.” In principle, the existential dangers posed by Iran could be more-or-less effectively balanced by a new Sunni Arab nuclear capability in Riyadh, Cairo or Abu Dhabi. In that ironic circumstance, Jerusalem might conclude that certain expressions of selective Arab nuclearization would represent a helpful or even benign development. In the longer term view, however, Jerusalem would be forced to decide which particular adversary or pair of adversaries was potentially more intolerable, and whether or not some form of preemption might sometime be required. Seventeenth-century English philosopher, Thomas Hobbes, instructs that although international relations (the state of nations) is in the state of nature, it is nonetheless more tolerable than the condition of individual men in nature. This is because, with individual human beings, “the weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest.” Now, with the advent of nuclear weapons, there is no reason to believe that the state of nations remains more tolerable. Rather, nuclear weapons are bringing the state of nations closer to the true Hobbesian state of nature. See, also, David P. Gauthier, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 207. As with Hobbes, Pufendorf argues that the state of nations is not quite as intolerable as the state of nature between individuals. The state of nations, reasons Pufendorf, “lacks those inconveniences which are attendant upon a pure state of nature....” And similarly, Spinoza suggests “that a commonwealth can guard itself against being subjugated by another, as a man in the state of nature cannot do.” See, A.G. Wernham, ed., , iii, II (Clarendon Press, 1958), p. 295. See For much earlier original writings by this author on the prospective impact of a Palestinian state on Israeli nuclear deterrence, see: Louis René Beres, “Security Threats and Effective Remedies: Israel’s Strategic, Tactical and Legal Options,” Ariel Center for Policy Research (Israel), ACPR Policy Paper No. 102, April 2000, 110 pp; Louis René Beres, “After the `Peace Process:’ Israel, Palestine, and Regional Nuclear War,” DICKINSON JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, Vol. 15, No. 2., Winter 1997, pp. 301-335; Louis René Beres, “Limits of Nuclear Deterrence: The Strategic Risks and Dangers to Israel of False Hope,” ARMED FORCES AND SOCIETY, Vol. 23., No. 4., Summer 1997, pp. 539-568; Louis René Beres, “Getting Beyond Nuclear Deterrence: Israel, Intelligence and False Hope,” INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INTELLIGENCE AND COUNTERINTELLIGENCE, Vol. 10., No. 1., Spring 1997, pp. 75-90; Louis René Beres, “On Living in a Bad Neighborhood: The Informed Argument for Israeli Nuclear Weapons,” POLITICAL CROSSROADS, Vol. 5., Nos. 1/2, 1997, pp. 143-157; Louis René Beres, “Facing the Apocalypse: Israel and the `Peace Process,’” BTZEDEK: THE JOURNAL OF RESPONSIBLE JEWISH COMMENTARY (Israel), Vol. 1., No. 3., Fall/Winter 1997, pp. 32-35; Louis René Beres and (Ambassador) Zalman Shoval, “Why Golan Demilitarization Would Not Work,” STRATEGIC REVIEW, Vol. XXIV, No. 1., Winter 1996, pp. 75-76; Louis René Beres, “Implications of a Palestinian State for Israeli Security and Nuclear War: A Jurisprudential Assessment,” DICKINSON JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, Vol. 17., No. 2., 1999, pp. 229-286; Louis René Beres, “A Palestinian State and Israel’s Nuclear Strategy,” CROSSROADS: AN INTERNATIONAL SOCIO-POLITICAL JOURNAL, No. 31, 1991, pp. 97-104; Louis René Beres, “The Question of Palestine and Israel’s Nuclear Strategy,” THE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Vol. 62, No. 4., October-December 1991, pp. 451-460; Louis René Beres, “Israel, Palestine and Regional Nuclear War,” BULLETIN OF PEACE PROPOSALS, Vol. 22., No. 2., June 1991, pp. 227-234; Louis René Beres, “A Palestinian State: Implications for Israel’s Security and the Possibility of Nuclear War,” BULLETIN OF THE JERUSALEM INSTITUTE FOR WESTERN DEFENCE (Israel), Vol. 4., Bulletin No, 3., October 1991, pp. 3-10; Louis René Beres, ISRAELI SECURITY AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS, PSIS Occasional Papers, No. 1/1990, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva, Switzerland, 40 pp; and Louis René Beres, “After the Gulf War: Israel, Palestine and the Risk of Nuclear War in the Middle East,” STRATEGIC REVIEW, Vol. XIX, No. 4., Fall 1991, pp. 48-55. Contending Palestinian authorities still remain unable to meet variously codified expectations of statehood identified at the 1934 . This “Montevideo Convention” is the treaty governing statehood in all applicable international law. Jurisprudentially, Palestine still remains a “Non-Member Observer State.” The argument that a Palestinian state would be more benign because it could be “demilitarized” is unsupportable in strategic, political or jurisprudential terms. See, by this writer, Louis René Beres, “Why the Allen Plan and Palestinian Demilitarization Could Never Protect Israel,” 16 July, 2017. Earlier law journal articles on this limitation, co-authored with former Israeli Ambassador to the United States Zalman Shoval, include: Louis René Beres and Zalman Shoval, “Why a Demilitarized Palestinian State Would not Remain Demilitarized: A View Under International Law,” Winter 1998, pp. 347-363; and Louis René Beres and Zalman Shoval, “On Demilitarizing a Palestinian `Entity’ and the Golan Heights: An International Law Perspective,” , Vol. 28, No.5., 1995m pp. 959-972. The modern philosophic origins of “will” are discoverable in the writings of Arthur Schopenhauer, especially (1818). For his own inspiration, Schopenhauer drew upon Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. Later, Friedrich Nietzsche drew just as importantly upon Arthur Schopenhauer. Goethe was also a core intellectual source for Spanish existentialist Jose Ortega y’Gasset, author of the singularly prophetic twentieth-century work, ( ;1930). See, accordingly, Ortega’s very grand essay, “In Search of Goethe from Within” (1932), written for of Berlin on the centenary of Goethe’s death. It is reprinted in Ortega’s anthology, (1948) and is available from Princeton University Press (1968). “I believe,” says Oswald Spengler in his magisterial (1918), “is the one great word against metaphysical fear.” “Military doctrine” is not the same as “military strategy.” Doctrine “sets the stage” for strategy. It identifies various central beliefs that must subsequently animate any actual “order of battle.” Among other things, describes underlying general principles on how a particular war ought to be waged. The reciprocal task for is to adapt as required in order to best support previously-fashioned military doctrine. In world politics, says philosopher Alfred North Whitehead, any deeply-felt promise of immortality must be of “transcendent importance.” See his 1927. In the nineteenth century, in his posthumously published lecture on Politics (1896), German historian Heinrich von Treitschke observed: “Individual man sees in his own country the realization of his earthly immortality.” Earlier, German philosopher Georg Friedrich Hegel opined, in his (1820), that the state represents “the march of God in the world.” The “deification” of a transformation from mere principle of action to a sacred end in itself, drew its originating strength from the doctrine of sovereignty advanced in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Initially conceived as a principle of internal order, this doctrine underwent a specific metamorphosis, whence it became the formal or justifying rationale for international anarchy – that is, for the global “state of nature.” First established by Jean Bodin as a juristic concept in (1576), sovereignty came to be regarded as a power absolute and above the law. Understood in terms of modern international relations, this doctrine encouraged the notion that states lie above and beyond any form of legal regulation in their interactions with each other. At the same time, strategists cannot be allowed to forget, that theoretical fruitfulness must be achieved at some more-or-less tangible costs of “dehumanization.” Accordingly, Goethe reminds in , the original fragment: “All theory, dear friend, is grey, And the golden tree of life is green.” Translated by Professor Beres from the German: In the words of Jose Ortega y’Gasset: “Science, by which I mean the entire body of knowledge about things, whether corporeal or spiritual, is as much a work of imagination as it is of observation.... The latter is not possible without the former.” ( 1958). This does not mean trying to account for absolutely every pertinent explanatory variable. Clarifications can be found at “Occam’s Razor” or the “principle of parsimony.” This stipulates preference for the simplest explanation still consistent with scientific method. Regarding current concerns for Israel’s nuclear strategy, it suggests, , that the country’s military planners not seek to identify and examine every seemingly important variable, but rather to “say the most, with the least.” This presents an important and often neglected cautionary, because all too often, policy-makers and planners mistakenly attempt to be too inclusive. This attempt unwittingly distracts them from forging more efficient and “parsimonious” strategic theories. See: RESOLUTION ON THE DEFINITION OF AGGRESSION, Dec. 14, 1974, U.N.G.A. Res. 3314 (XXIX), 29 U.N. GAOR, Supp. (No. 31) 142, U.N. Doc. A/9631, 1975, 13 I.L.M. 710, 1974; and CHARTER OF THE UNITED NATIONS, Art. 51. Done at San Francisco, June 26, 1945. Entered into force for the United States, Oct. 24, 1945, 59 Stat. 1031, T.S. No. 993, Bevans 1153, 1976, Y.B.U.N. 1043 See by this author at BESA (Israel), Louis René Beres. For a coherent and comprehensive summation, see recent by Yaakov Lapin. World court established at The Hague On December 13, 1920, the League of Nations Assembly, sitting in Geneva, approved the statute setting up the Permanent Court of International Justice at The Hague.Learn more about the . Visit the website of the Permanent Court's successor body, the . President Wilson arrives in France to negotiate WWI treaty On December 13, 1918, President Woodrow Wilson arrived in France to negotiate a treaty to conclude World War I. Wilson was the first US President to visit Europe while in office. His meeting with the other Allied leaders would result in the , which created the League of Nations and redrew borders across Europe. The treaty, however, was rejected by the US Senate, thus preventing the U.S. from joining the League with the other major powers.No. 22 Xavier aims to keep its perfect record intact Monday night in Fort Myers, Fla., when it takes on South Carolina in the Fort Myers Tip-Off. The Musketeers (5-0) are coming off an 80-55 victory on Wednesday over Siena, while the Gamecocks (3-2) beat Mercer on Thursday 84-72. Against Mercer, South Carolina sank a season-best 12 3-pointers -- tied for the fourth-most in a single game under third-year coach Lamont Paris. Jamarii Thomas, a senior transfer from Norfolk State, had 19 points and swished 4 of 5 shots from behind the arc. "Thomas got some good, clean looks," Paris said. "It was good to see those guys make their shots. Hopefully it gets those guys going in the right direction." On the season, the Gamecocks are making 7.8 3-pointers per game and shooting 32.5 percent from deep. Senior guard Jacobi Wright makes a team-best 1.8 3-pointers per game and shoots 37.5 percent from behind the arc. At 13.0 ppg, he is second on the team behind Collin Murray-Boyles (15.8). Xavier is allowing eight makes from deep per game and is letting opponents shoot 38.5 percent from behind the arc, which ranks 337th in the country. And despite an undefeated record so far for the Musketeers, third-year coach Sean Miller is worried about his players developing bad habits. "We have a virus that everybody is looking at the stat sheet, trying to get as many points as they possibly can," Miller said after the win over Siena. "They want to win, but they really want to win and score. We need a couple of guys that are willing to rebound, defend, make the extra pass, play at a high level defensively and understand what makes a team great." Marcus Foster did a decent job of doing a little bit of everything for Xavier against Siena, piling up 12 points, five rebounds, five assists and a steal. It was the first double-digit scoring outing for Foster -- a grad transfer from Furman -- in a Xavier uniform. Since 2008, Xavier is 25-11 against teams from the Southeastern Conference, but it hasn't played South Carolina in that stretch. --Field Level Media
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'Gladiator II' cast discusses bigger battles, higher stakes in new sequelNEW YORK , Dec. 13, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Monteverde & Associates PC (the "M&A Class Action Firm"), has recovered millions of dollars for shareholders and is recognized as a Top 50 Firm by ISS Securities Class Action Services Report. We are headquartered at the Empire State Building in New York City and are investigating: The Duckhorn Portfolio, Inc. (NYSE: NAPA ), relating to its proposed merger with Butterfly Equity. Under the terms of the agreement, all Duckhorn Portfolio common stock will be automatically converted into the right to receive $11.10 in cash per share. ACT NOW. The Shareholder Vote is scheduled for December 23, 2024 . Click here for more information https://monteverdelaw.com/case/duckhorn-portfolio-inc/ . It is free and there is no cost or obligation to you. Profire Energy, Inc. (NASDAQ: PFIE ) , relating to a proposed merger with First CECO Environmental Corp. 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If you own common stock in any of the above listed companies and have concerns or wish to obtain additional information free of charge, please visit our website or contact Juan Monteverde, Esq. either via e-mail at [email protected] or by telephone at (212) 971-1341. Contact: Juan Monteverde, Esq. MONTEVERDE & ASSOCIATES PC The Empire State Building 350 Fifth Ave. Suite 4740 New York, NY 10118 United States of America [email protected] Tel: (212) 971-1341 Attorney Advertising. (C) 2024 Monteverde & Associates PC. The law firm responsible for this advertisement is Monteverde & Associates PC ( www.monteverdelaw.com ). Prior results do not guarantee a similar outcome with respect to any future matter. SOURCE Monteverde & Associates PCGuwahati: Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma proposed a series of initiatives aimed at capitalizing on Assam’s strategic location in alignment with India’s Act East Policy. These initiatives include establishing bio-foundries and bio-manufacturing hubs to enhance local industries and stimulate innovation, particularly within the bio-resources sector. Sarma participated in the India International Science Festival (IISF) 2024 at IIT Guwahati.Sarma emphasized the IISF as a testament to India's steadfast commitment to innovation, excellence, and the crucial role that science and technology play in driving national development and prosperity. He noted that this event embodies the vision of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, whose leadership has been instrumental in the development of the Northeast, particularly through the transformative influence of scientific progress. He contended that in our contemporary landscape, a nation's progress is intricately linked to the harmonious integration of technology, resources, and capital, highlighting technology as the primary catalyst for transformation. Such advancements, he posited, are crucial for achieving social equity, reducing poverty, and improving living standards. He noted that from agriculture to healthcare, environmental science, energy production, and communication, science acts as the engine of innovation, significantly enhancing human existence and paving the way for a sustainable future. The CM reflected on India’s storied scientific heritage, tracing the nation's rich legacy of intellectual and technological achievements from ancient centers of learning such as Takshashila and Nalanda to the pioneering contributions of renowned figures like Aryabhata, Charaka, and Sushruta. This enduring legacy, he asserted, affirms India's historical role as a reservoir of knowledge and a vanguard in the pursuit of scientific progress. Focusing on Assam’s own scientific lineage, he remarked on the region's tradition of intellectual inquiry, epitomized by the ancient title of Pragjyotishpur, which denotes Assam's historical significance in astrology and astronomy. He cited the Navagraha and Surya temples as historic artefacts reflecting this heritage while highlighting medieval Assam's notable contributions to planetary science, medicine, and veterinary practices, as evidenced by seminal works such as Vaidyakalpataru and Hastividyarnava. 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He noted that India is now ranked among the top three countries globally concerning scientific research publications and is nurturing a vibrant start-up ecosystem. The nation stands poised to emerge as a global leader in innovation, illustrated by unprecedented patent filings. This remarkable advancement is mirrored in India’s climb up the Global Innovation Index, ascending from 81st place in 2013 to 40th in 2023. He pointed to significant investments in space exploration, quantum technologies, artificial intelligence, and renewable energy as critical to reshaping society and improving the lives of millions. Milestones such as the Mangalyaan and Chandrayaan missions, he noted, have positioned India at the forefront of space exploration, while initiatives like the Anusandhan National Research Foundation (ANRF) have catalysed vital collaborations across academia, industry, and government, creating a robust research ecosystem. The CM proposed a series of initiatives aimed at capitalizing on Assam’s strategic location in alignment with India’s Act East Policy. These initiatives include establishing bio-foundries and bio-manufacturing hubs to enhance local industries and stimulate innovation, particularly within the bio-resources sector. He underscored Assam’s unique bio-resources, including Agar and indigenous flora, which hold significant economic promise, especially in the global fragrance and essential oils markets. To this end, Sarma requested the creation of a dedicated fragrance vertical by the Council of Scientific & Industrial Research (CSIR) in Assam, alongside an incubation unit and R&D facility by the Department of Biotechnology. He outlined other initiatives aimed at propelling scientific and technological progress in Assam, including the creation of SC/ST cells under the Assam Science Technology and Environment Council (ASTEC) to tackle community-specific challenges through science and technology. He recommended the establishment of Skill Vigyan Centres to train technicians, entrepreneurs, and students in collaboration with academic institutions such as Tezpur University, Gauhati University, NIPER-Guwahati, and Biswanath College of Agriculture. He proposed the creation of the Northeast Institute for Climate Studies and Adaptation, intended to address the region’s climate vulnerabilities while preserving its rich biodiversity and integrating indigenous knowledge into climate adaptation strategies. The CM also highlighted the significance of the 200 bighas of land allocated by the Assam government for ISRO’s NETRA Project, aimed at enhancing spatial situational awareness in the region, and stressed the necessity of establishing a radar and communication training center as part of this initiative to empower the youth of Northeast India. He proposed the establishment of the fourth Centre for Materials for Electronics Technology (C-MET) in Assam, focusing on pioneering research in hydrogen generation, energy storage, and the use of 2D materials. Sarma reaffirmed his conviction that these initiatives possess transformative potential for Assam and the Northeast and earnestly called for the support of all stakeholders to bring these aspirations to fruition, thereby fostering scientific innovation along with regional economic and social development. Event was attended by Jitendra Singh, Union Minister for Science & Technology. 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It is tempting but mistaken to say that the current administration of the universe is defective because people are not required to read op-ed columns. That thought is too adjacent to progressivism, which, a critic has said, does not care what people do as long as it is compulsory. Besides, a smaller readership can be superior to a bigger one. Most people do not read newspapers; most who do skip the op-ed page. This means that the few, the happy few, who do read columns do so because their mental pantries are stocked with curiosity, information and opinions. So, the columnist can assume the readers’ foundation of knowledge, which enables large arguments in small spaces. The 15th century produced what remains the most consequential communication technology ever: Johannes Gutenberg’s movable type. Glassy-eyed Americans squinting at their smartphones for videos of kittens might consider it quaint to ascribe history-shaping potency to mere print, especially during today’s digital typhoon. Media constantly clamor for Americans’ attention, which is increasingly elusive and of decreasing duration. A newspaper column — one musty option on a rapidly expanding menu of distractions — requires reading, which, unlike passive grazing at an endless buffet of graphic distractions, is an activity. It demands one’s mental engagement. So, a column had better be pleasurable from the start, even if its subject is not pleasant. Here is Murray Kempton (1917-1997), in a column on President Dwight D. Eisenhower campaigning in Florida in 1956: “In Miami he had walked carefully by the harsher realities, speaking some 20 feet from an airport drinking fountain labeled ‘Colored’ and saying that the condition it represented was more amenable to solution by the hearts of men than by laws, and complimenting Florida as ‘typical today of what is best in America,’ a verdict which might seem to some contingent on finding out what happened to the Negro snatched from the Wildwood jail Sunday.” That sinuous 75-word sentence, although stiletto-sharp, deployed Kempton’s pointed judgments obliquely. His demanding syntax drew readers into participating in his searing perception. His style, suited to concision, enabled him to make arguments by intimation — arguments that readers internalized almost without noticing. Do notice Kempton’s desert-dry wit: “... which might seem to some contingent on ...” A spoonful of humor helps the medicine (information, argument) go down. An enchanting idea of heaven is this: endless learning. For the self-selected cohort of op-ed readers, learning is treasured as fun. Columns are properly quarantined on “opinion” pages, but a columnist’s opinions will lack momentum for respect unless they are accompanied by platoons of facts that give readers the delight of discovery: “I didn’t know that.” It has been said that a deadline is a writer’s best friend. But if writing is a chore — a painful duty — for a columnist, he or she should find another vocation. Enjoyment is infectious, and readers will only value, over time, the company of a columnist who clearly enjoys the craft of assembling sentences, paragraphs and arguments. This columnist is caught in a contradiction: He believes that in our market society, prices are rational. Yet he would pay for the pleasure of doing what he is paid to do. He is in the right city. John F. Kennedy once drolly characterized Washington as a city of Southern efficiency and Northern charm. The city he knew was, however, a caterpillar becoming a butterfly. It was acquiring a physical and cultural infrastructure worthy of a great metropolis. The Beltway opened in 1964, the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in 1971, the subway in 1976. This columnist is, in a sense, doing what he was doing before he came to Washington. Until then, he had taught political philosophy at the University of Toronto. Since then, he has been working to discern the small kernels of large philosophical principles lurking in the welter of events. Amid today’s rancorousness, it is difficult to remember when America’s consensus was considered suffocatingly bland. This columnist, now 83, remembers when, as he became politically sentient in the 1950s, many intellectuals lamented the absence of scalding treatises about burning questions: too much Locke, not enough Lenin. Actually, however, in the unending American dialectic between legislatures and courts — between majorities and restraints thereon — the perennial subjects of Western political argument are constantly contested: the concepts of freedom, equality, consent, representation and justice. Americans are permanently enrolled in this seminar. And being a columnist is as much fun as can be had away from a ballpark. George Will is a columnist for The Washington Post.Following a number of deaths due to this phenomenon, KAZEEM BIRIOWO examines how antimicrobial resistance has become an increasing concern in Nigeria, and how the Nigerian government, working with global health organisations, can reduce the scourge. Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is a global health threat that has been described as a “silent tsunami” by the World Health Organisation (WHO). AMR is when bacteria, viruses, fungi, and parasites change over time and no longer respond to medicines used to treat them. This makes infections harder to treat and increases the risk of disease spread, severe illness, disability, and death. AMR is a natural process, but human activity, such as the misuse and overuse of antimicrobials, accelerates its emergence and spread. Microorganisms that develop resistance to antimicrobials are sometimes called “superbugs”. AMR affects all countries, but Africa is likely to bear the heaviest burden. The burden of AMR is felt disproportionately in low- and middle-income countries, including Nigeria, where the healthcare system is already overburdened. AMR represents a global challenge as 4.95 million people who died in 2019 suffered from drug-resistant infections. AMR directly caused 1.27 million of those deaths and one in five of those deaths occurred among children under five years old. In the GBD region of Western Sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria has the seventh highest age-standardised mortality across 19 countries Deadly effects of AMR There are several victims of AMR in Nigeria, some of whom are no longer alive. Those who Nigerian Tribune spoke with were comfortable with just their surnames being used. Mrs Adebayo, a 35-year-old mother of two, knows firsthand the devastating effects of AMR. Her seven-year-old son, Tunde, was diagnosed with pneumonia and was treated with antibiotics. However, the antibiotics proved ineffective and Tunde’s condition worsened. He was eventually diagnosed with a multidrug-resistant form of pneumonia which required more expensive antibiotics. “We were devastated when we found out that the antibiotics were not working,” Mrs Adebayo said. “We had to sell our belongings to afford the more expensive antibiotics. It was a very difficult time for us.” Similarly, Mr Okoro, a 42-year-old businessman, also has a personal experience with AMR. His 65-year-old mother was diagnosed with a urinary tract infection and was treated with antibiotics. However, the antibiotics were ineffective, and her condition worsened. She eventually died from complications related to the infection. “The death of my mother was a devastating blow to our family,” Mr Okoro said. “We were not aware of the risks associated with AMR and we did not know how to prevent it. We hope that our story can serve as a warning to others and encourage them to take action to prevent AMR.” Miss Chukwu, a 28-year-old nurse, has seen the devastating effects of AMR almost on a daily basis. She works in a hospital in Lagos, where she has seen many patients die from infections that were resistant to antibiotics. “It is heartbreaking to see patients die from infections that could have been treated with antibiotics,” Miss Chukwu said. “We need to do more to prevent AMR and ensure that antibiotics are used responsibly.” Causes and consequences of AMR in Nigeria According to the WHO, the causes of AMR in Nigeria are multifaceted and interconnected. Some of the key causes include misuse and overuse of antibiotics which are major drivers of AMR. In Nigeria, antibiotics are often prescribed inappropriately and patients often demand antibiotics for viral infections, which do not respond to antibiotics. Also lack of National Antibiotic Guidelines in Nigeria contributes to the misuse of antibiotics. Healthcare professionals often rely on personal experience and judgment when prescribing antibiotics rather than following evidence-based guidelines. General awareness and understanding of AMR in Nigeria is poor. Many healthcare professionals and the general public are not aware of the risks associated with AMR which contributes to the misuse and overuse of antibiotics. Inadequate infection control measures in Nigerian hospitals contribute to the spread of microbes, including resistant strains. Poor hygiene practices, inadequate use of personal protective equipment and lack of sterilisation of medical equipment are common in many Nigerian hospitals. The consequences of AMR in Nigeria are severe and far-reaching. Some of the key consequences include, increased morbidity and mortality. AMR poses a risk of increased morbidity and mortality, particularly in low- and middle-income countries like Nigeria. The economic burden of AMR is also substantial as a study published in the Journal of Pharmaceutical Policy and Practice estimated that the economic burden of AMR in Nigeria could be as high as $1.3 billion annually. According to the study, “AMR reduces the effectiveness of antibiotics, making it challenging to treat infections. This can lead to prolonged hospital stays, increased healthcare costs, and increased mortality. “AMR increases the risk of infections, particularly in vulnerable populations such as the elderly, young children, and people with compromised immune systems.” State of AMR in Nigeria Nigeria, with a population of over 200 million people, is faced with the burden of poverty and poor environmental conditions, such as lack of potable water and sanitation, and inadequate infection control. These factors are crucial in the spread of microbes, including resistant strains. According to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME), University of Washington, Nigeria had an estimated 627,000 deaths attributable to AMR in 2019, which is the highest number of deaths in Africa. The IHME also estimated that the mortality rate due to AMR in Nigeria was 335.6 deaths per 100,000 population in 2019. Urgent need to tackle AMR Dr John Oladapo, a consultant microbiologist at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), emphasized the urgent need to address the growing burden of AMR in Nigeria. “AMR is a ticking time bomb in Nigeria,” Dr Oladapo said. “We need to take immediate action to address the root causes of AMR, including the misuse and overuse of antibiotics, poor infection control practices, and lack of awareness about AMR.” Dr Adebiwale Akintayo, a public health expert at the University of Ibadan, emphasized the need for a multifaceted approach to address AMR in Nigeria. “We need to adopt a comprehensive approach to address AMR in Nigeria,” Dr Akintayo said. “This includes improving infection control practices, promoting responsible use of antibiotics, and enhancing awareness and understanding of AMR among healthcare professionals and the general public.” Dr Eyitope Ogunbodede, a professor of microbiology at the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), emphasized the need for research and development of new antibiotics to address the growing problem of AMR. “We need to invest in research and development of new antibiotics to address the growing problem of AMR. “We also need to improve our surveillance systems to monitor the spread of AMR and develop effective strategies to prevent it,” he said. FG’s action plan Recently, the Federal Government launched the National Action Plan on Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR NAP-2.0). The Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Muhammad Ali Pate, said the launch of AMR NAP-2.0 came at a time when the global community, through platforms like the 2024 United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), had committed to renewed and urgent action against AMR. He said in 2017, Nigeria made significant strides by launching its first National Action Plan on AMR, adding “We recognised that a multisectoral, one health approach-integrating human, animal, and environmental health-was essential in confronting AMR.” The minister also disclosed that the Federal Government is committed to integrating genomic technologies into all aspects of the work, noting that a plan has been laid out to build capacity for genomic sequencing and surveillance, as well as improving response to emerging infections and advancing vaccine development. The Director General of the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC), Dr Jide Idris, said the second AMR National Action Plan is a comprehensive five-year strategy designed to combat antimicrobial resistance in Nigeria, adding that the NCDC leads the Antimicrobial Resistance Coordination Committee (AMRCC) to drive the implementation of the plan’s priority actions. Co- chair of the national AMR Technical Working Group, Professor Kabiru Junaid, said it will cost a total of $77.6 million to implement all the strategic objectives of the AMR National Action Plan. The Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Sen. Abubakar Kyari, said his ministry is committed to the implementation of the activities of the action plan. The Minister of Environment, Mallam Balarabe Abbas Lawal, speaking through the Director, Department of Pollution Control and Environmental Health, Bahijjahtu Abubakar, said effective implementation of the plan will improve the country’s strategies in addressing AMR and strengthening surveillance in the environment sector, livestock and healthcare settings, while promoting sustainable standard practices that ensures food security, protection of the environment and human health. WHO’s role in supporting AMR efforts WHO has been a key technical partner in developing AMR NAP-2.0, providing guidance on global best practices and supporting the Federal Government in aligning its strategies with the Global Action Plan on AMR. To improve the national efforts to control the impact of AMR, the ministry launched the AMR NAP 2.0, which is a revision of the national action plan on AMR adopted in 2017. With the expiration of the AMR NAP-1.0 (2017-2022), an assessment of its implementation revealed key gaps and challenges, with only a 44 percent completion rate. The assessment highlighted weak involvement from sectors such as environment, plant, food, aquaculture, agriculture, and relevant human health sectors in the implementation of priority activities. Additionally, NAP-1.0 was not costed and lacked specific milestones and targets. In response, the Government of Nigeria, through the Federal Ministry of Health and NCDC, requested WHO’s support in developing NAP-2.0 (2024-2028) and providing strategic guidance for the AMR Coordination Committee to develop the plan based on the AMR Global Action Plan, WHO manual for NAP Development, WHO implementation handbook for NAPs on AMR, and the People-cantered approach to addressing antimicrobial resistance in human health. This story is produced for the Media-EIS Fellowship Programme, a collaborative partnership among the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention(NCDC), the USAID-funded Breakthrough ACTION Nigeria and the African Field Epidemiology Network(AFENET) Get real-time news updates from Tribune Online! Follow us on WhatsApp for breaking news, exclusive stories and interviews, and much more. Join our WhatsApp Channel now
On whether to allow digital ID for age assurance when buying alcohol, some countries say yes, some say no, and some see an opportunity for dramatically increased biometric surveillance using facial recognition cameras. is aiming to crack down on underage drinking by tightening and requiring establishments to check a physical copy of a government-issued ID. The only digital IDs that will be permitted in the city, where the drinking age is 25, are those stored in the government’s Digilocker portal, according to from the Economic Times. In a reversal of the standard story in which are more secure than easily tampered-with physical identity documents, the government says the move is to prevent the use of fraudulent or edited digital IDs. Elsewhere in the world, trends are moving in the opposite direction. In the new year, UK retailers are set to start accepting in alcohol sales. Staff at pubs, clubs and retail outlets will be able to perform age assurance checks using QR codes or contactless technology. The initiative follows the successful rollout of digital age verification in UK cinemas through the GOV.UK One Login system, as the Kier Starmer government takes up the reins on the nation’s wider . Meanwhile, in Türkiye’s capital, businesses selling alcohol and cigarettes are now required to install and to store biometric data for at least a month. A from DuvaR.English says the Istanbul Governorship issued a notice to liquor stores and other businesses requiring camera systems to be installed “to monitor and record the sales area, all entry and exit points, and parking lots, if any, from various angles.” The cameras must be effective in low light or nighttime conditions and able to operate constantly. While the set-up sounds much like a CCTV system for real-time and security monitoring, the stated goal is more like an ambient, panopticon-esque form of age assurance: the governorship says its goal is “protecting minors under 18 from harmful habits such as alcohol and cigarettes.” The rule goes into effect on January 1 and comes with penalties under the “non-compliance with orders” clause of the Misdemeanor Law. occupies a balance point between biometric innovation and a government with autocratic tendencies, embodied in president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. According to from Norton Rose Fulbright, in Istanbul and other large cities “security systems such as hand geometry recognition, iris or fingerprint scans are widely used to enter office buildings, new residential complexes and even luxury gyms.” And there are data protection laws on the books. “Under the Turkish data protection regime, personal data may not be processed without the data subject’s explicit consent. are treated as sensitive data under the Data Protection Law and are subject to the rules applicable to protection of sensitive personal data.” And yet, Türkiye has danced with questionable uses of facial recognition technology before. In 2023, the country’s minister of interior faced a data privacy lawsuit after going on air to show off a state-developed capable of identifying everyone in the country. | | | | |
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Peruvian salsa singer Daniela Darcourt has generated a stir in the world of salsa after her recent dispute with Master Chris, her former producer. The artist, who accused Christian Maldonado (real name) of sabotaging her career by removing her video clip ‘Señor Mentira’ from YouTube, has been involved in a conflict that has polarized her followers and colleagues in the genre. The situation intensified when several salseras, former colleagues of Daniela Darcourt, decided to publicly support Master Chris. As is remembered, Paula Arias, Cielo Torres, Amy Gutiérrez and Yahaira Plasencia They expressed their support for the producer through their social networks, which led the ‘Mr Lie’ interpreter to clarify her position in a live interview. Daniela Darcourt talks about the salsa companies that turned their backs on her The situation not only involved Darcourt and Maldonado, but has also dragged in several Peruvian salseras, who decided to express their support for Master Chris, which generated an atmosphere of tension between colleagues. Cielo Torres, Paula Arias, Amy Gutiérrez and Yahaira Plasencia used their social networks to highlight the professionalism and human quality of the producer. Faced with the wave of support for Master Chris, Daniela Darcourt did not remain silent. In an interview on the ‘América hoy’ program, the salsa singer rejected the words of her colleagues and emphasized that she does not need anyone to defend her. “I don’t have any problems with anyone, I don’t hang out with anyone. They wrote to me in the video I posted and the only one who has written to me privately is Paula (Arias). I don’t have to answer anyone I don’t want to. They speak from their experience with him. “I don’t need anyone to put their hands in the fire for me, or to defend me,” said the salsa singer this Tuesday, November 26. Despite the controversy, the ‘Probably’ singer assured that she will not take the conflict personally and that she has no intention of getting involved in disputes with her colleagues. “I have nothing to say about my colleagues,” Darcourt concluded. Daniela Darcourt issues a warning to Paula Arias On the other hand, Daniela issued a harsh warning to the leader of Son Tentación. “Paula has known me for many years, she knows perfectly well what I am like. I am a revolutionary woman. When they light the fuse and knock on the door, I open it. If you don’t want me to be an enemy or a bad person, leave me where I am, because that’s how I have a good time,” he said. In addition, he took the opportunity to deny his participation in the upcoming anniversary of Son Tentación, a group of which he was a part in the past. “I have not confirmed anything to Paula, and it is not for this reason. I have work, I will be in the province. “I don’t have time,” he said. Join our entertainment channelMathieu Olivier knows his name is circulating in MontrealElon Musk pens German newspaper opinion piece supporting far-right AfD party
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