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Ų) w8n}*(Y H A{j-VCࢵ@9/XaZ@yTechnology and TV writer Did you know with an ad-lite subscription to ManchesterWorld, you get 70% fewer ads while viewing the news that matters to you. I’m a Celebrity fans were left stunned after two celebs were evicted in a surprise double vote. After giving the campmates a reprieve yesterday (December 4), Ant and Dec announced earlier on Thursday (December 5) that a double elimination was coming. The fifth and sixth celebrities were sent home in a public vote. The lines opened after the winner of the golden ticket to Celebrity Cyclone on Saturday (December 7) was revealed. Advertisement Advertisement Four celebs faced another trip to the Arcade of Agony before they could win immunity. Find out who won in our report on the challenge here . Stay up-to-date with the latest UK news and culture with our free UK Today newsletter. Barry McGuigan and Maura Higgins were both eliminated on Thursday night. Ant and Dec announced at the start of Thursday’s episode that two celebs would be going home, before the curtain came down today. It was a result of the reprieve handed out on Wednesday night. Advertisement Advertisement Due to no eviction taking place while the golden ticket challenge was on-going, it meant that two celebs had to be sent home on Thursday. It is not the first double eviction in the show’s history - in fact it has happened plenty of times over the year, including in 2023. Oti Mabuse was the winner of the golden ticket challenge , meaning that the public cannot vote for them in the next two eliminations. They are safe until after the Celebrity Cyclone on Saturday (December 7). Did you agree with tonight’s double elimination on I’m a Celebrity? Share who you think should have gone home by emailing me: [email protected] . National World encourages reader discussion on our stories. User feedback, insights and back-and-forth exchanges add a rich layer of context to reporting. Please review our Community Guidelines before commenting.Trump vows to pursue executions after Biden commutes most of federal death rowJets interim coach Jeff Ulbrich: Certain penalties can illustrate ‘lack of discipline’
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad oversaw a merciless crackdown on a pro-democracy revolt that morphed into one of the bloodiest wars of the century. After facing down nationwide protests demanding his ouster and an armed rebellion that he all but crushed, he had until this month taken back control of much of Syria in the civil war that began in 2011. Quiet in his demeanour, Assad is a political survivor who for years excelled in his alliance-building with Russia and Iran, and who knew just how to present himself as Syria’s only viable leader in the face of the Islamist threat. But since November 27, an Islamist-led rebel offensive has wrested from Assad’s control city after city, including Aleppo and Hama for the first time since 2011, leaving his grip on power severely under threat. Assad has cast himself as the protector of Syria’s minorities, a bulwark against extremism and the sole possible purveyor of stability for the war-ravaged country. In multiple votes held over the years, conducted solely on government-held territory, he has taken the vast majority of the ballots, amid accusations from Western countries that the wartime elections were neither free nor fair. In appearance, whether in person or in the many portraits of him in the capital Damascus, Assad has typically eschewed military garb, opting instead for a sharp-cut business suit and sober tie. In official meetings, during interviews and even on the frontlines, the 59-year-old ophthalmologist by training conducts himself calmly and can almost appear timid. Behind the facade, however, is an astonishing ability to hold onto power amid multiple waves of violence and transformative change in Syria and the wider region. – ‘Shuffle the cards’ – One journalist, who met with Assad on several occasions before and after war broke out in 2011, told AFP the president is a “unique and complex figure”. “Each time I met him he was calm... even during the most difficult moments of the war,” said the journalist, who declined to be named. Assad has “the same qualities” as his father, Hafez al-Assad, who ruled Syria for nearly three decades until his death in 2000, the journalist said. “In politics, it’s important to know how to shuffle cards, not just how to arrange them,” he added. “Assad has mastered the shuffling game.” Hafez al-Assad, head of the Syrian Baath Party, imposed in the country a secretive, paranoid regime where even the slightest suspicion of dissent could land one in jail or worse. Bashar al-Assad was never meant to become president, but his life changed radically when his older brother Bassel, who was being groomed to inherit power, was killed in a road accident in 1994. Bashar quit his studies in ophthalmology and left London, where he had met his wife, Asma, a British-Syrian and Sunni Muslim who worked for financial services firm JP Morgan. Back home, he took a course in military studies and was tutored in politics by his father. When the latter died, Bashar became president by referendum, running unopposed, then winning a second term in 2007. Sworn in at the age of 34, Assad was widely seen by Syrians pining for freedoms as a reformer, who could do away with years of repression and introduce economic liberalisation. In the early days, Assad would be seen driving his own car or having dinner at restaurants with his wife. He relaxed some of the heavy restrictions that existed under his father. – Deadly crackdown – But his initial image as a reformer quickly evaporated as authorities arrested and jailed academics, intellectuals and other members of what was then known as the Damascus Spring movement. When the Arab Spring reached Syria in March 2011, peaceful demonstrations broke out calling for change. Assad, who is also commander-in-chief of the armed forces, responded by ordering a brutal crackdown on the protesters and civil war swiftly ensued. Throughout the war, which has killed more than 500,000 people and displaced half the population, Assad’s position has not changed. He has been the subject of countless cartoons by dissident artists depicting him as a killer, not least in the aftermath of the 2013 chemical attacks on rebel bastions around Damascus. A Syrian researcher in Damascus, who asked to speak anonymously over security concerns, said: “Assad’s personality played an undeniable role in his survival.” His “persistence and rigour” were especially important in helping him “consolidate decision-making powers, and secure the army’s full support”, he added. Throughout the war, Assad has enjoyed military backing from staunch allies Iran and Russia, who helped him score a string of military victories. Since the start of the Islamist-led rebel offensive on November 27, Assad has echoed his long-held stance that the conflict in Syria is machinated from abroad. “The terrorist escalation reflects the far-reaching goals of dividing the region and fragmenting the countries in it and redraw the map in line with the objectives of the United States and the West,” Assad said on Monday. He is the father of three children. His wife, Asma, was dubbed a “rose in the desert” by Vogue magazine before the revolt. With 2,400 staff representing 100 different nationalities, AFP covers the world as a leading global news agency. AFP provides fast, comprehensive and verified coverage of the issues affecting our daily lives.Stock market today: Wall Street edges back from its records as bitcoin briefly pops above $100,000Man United coach Amorim says argument between Hojlund and Diallo a 'very good sign'Pandi, Bulacan Mayor Enrico Roque —Photo from the Municipality of Pandi FB page PANDI, BULACAN — A Caloocan City court has suspended for 30 days the trial of Pandi, Bulacan Mayor Enrico Roque, municipal councilor Jonjon Roxas and driver Roel Raymundo who are facing two counts of rape pending the results of a reinvestigation being conducted by the city prosecutor’s office. Judge Rowena Alejandra of the Caloocan City Regional Trial Court Branch 121 handed down the order on Monday as she granted the motion of the accused to quash the arrest warrant against them, leading to their release. READ: Pandi, Bulacan mayor, 2 others nabbed for rape At the same time, she directed the prosecutor’s office to submit its reinvestigation findings within 30 days. In her order, Alejandra sided with the accused who had claimed that their constitutional rights, including their right to due process, were violated. They said they were not informed of the facts and circumstances of the charges against them, adding that they were not properly notified of the proceedings. The accused also denied being residents of Caloocan City, which they said invalidated the serving of subpoenas against them. Roque reiterated that he has no house in Caloocan as he denied the alleged rape victim’s claim that she was abused in his supposed house on Langit Road, Bagong Silang, in the city. In her order, the judge noted the lack of evidence proving that subpoenas were served to the accused at their known addresses. “It shows that accused-movants were not duly notified of the proceedings. The records [are] bereft of any evidence showing even an attempt to have the subpoena dated April 29, 2019, served to the known address of the accused-movants as supplied by the private complainant,” Alejandra said. “This is evidenced by the absence of any return or transmittal. In the absence of such proof, this court finds the accused-movants were not given an opportunity to be heard.” Prosecutors had filed two counts of rape against the three men who, according to the victim, raped her on April 6, 2019, when she was still a minor. She filed a complaint with the police four days later. Roque said the accusation was politically motivated and meant to tarnish his reputation as he was running for a third term next year. He also denied the complainant was a minor, calling her complaint “purely lies and a made-up story.” Subscribe to our daily newsletter By providing an email address. I agree to the Terms of Use and acknowledge that I have read the Privacy Policy . Upon his release from the Northern Police District detention facility, Roque returned to Pandi where he was met by supporters at the municipal hall grounds.
There is a startling similarity between the session halls of the South Korean National Assembly (built in 1975 under Park Chung-hee) and our Batasang Pambansa (built in 1978 under Ferdinand E. Marcos), just as our license plate colors (green, black, and yellow, respectively) seem to be derived from South Korea’s. If these can be said to be a shared experience of authoritarianism manifested even in official architecture, it can be said that even when it comes to our being democracies—once upon a time, the “newly restored” kind—we are contemporaries: we both date our present constitutions to 1987. But time moved on though, even in the new, there was much to strike a familiar chord in politically active Filipinos: from music to mobilizations, to sectors organizing and expressing themselves, martial law in Seoul seemed like a glitzy, glammed up remake of Filipino memes and tropes. For Filipinos, at least those of a certain age, because these are now based on memories from 20 or 40 years ago, the glow sticks, singing, chanting, and fierce but merry resistance were all too familiar. K-pop was part of the democratic surge, as were glow sticks and ironic banners; artists, civil society, faith-based groups and scholars weighed in. The anthem of the protests became “Into the New World” by Girls’ Generation (a close second was Aespa’s “Whiplash”) which underscores how there was a feminist angle, too. Yoon Suk-yeol has been described as rising to power “in 2022 on an anti-feminist platform and has been criticized for undermining efforts to promote gender equality.” For Filipinos and other foreigners, attention (and the coverage) moved on from Seoul after the vote to impeach the South Korean president. But the drama continues, with the same president refusing to accept official summons, and genuinely worrisome questions over whether the South Korean constitutional court can effectively try and reach a verdict on the embattled (and suspended) chief executive. Meanwhile, the political battle between the President’s party and the opposition continues, with a new debate on how to impeach the unelected Prime Minister, or who will be acting president for the duration of the impeachment trial. Most interesting are discussions that try to go beyond the current political battle (which the president may still win, procedurally, but which he has utterly lost in terms of public opinion which is overwhelmingly hostile to him), in an effort to try to fix the institutional shortcomings of South Korean democracy. An interesting summary of the more frequently discussed proposals includes shifting from a five-year single-term presidency to a four-year one with one reelection possible; the adoption of a parliamentary Cabinet system; putting in place a semi-presidential system, splitting power between the President and the PM; instituting greater parliamentary oversight; and a form of emergency powers. Others, however, argue that “hanging the system alone won’t fix deeper problems in Korean politics, such as extreme polarization; lack of compromise culture; regional voting patterns; weak party system; and ... revenge politics”—which sound very familiar to us Filipinos. To what extent these discussions extend to larger South Korean society would be interesting to know. I don’t suppose we Filipinos are unique in the number actually interested—never mind being adequately informed about such things—can’t be very big. The real question is whether public opinion is conducive to institutions attempting some sort of concrete change to the existing rules. In the past, Filipinos have found it impossible to achieve a consensus on anything positive—but more easily achieved consensus when it comes to things they didn’t want. No one could forge a consensus on political change but enough were suspicious of politicians and their motives, to oppose any political-inspired proposal to change the system. Combined with the shortcoming of our present Constitution, which is that we have an operating system impossible to update, we have the added problem that because the rules themselves hardly allow it; anyone wanting to try it has to resort to pretty difficult-to-explain maneuvers that antagonize the public. And yet beyond death and taxes, if there’s anything perennial in the Philippines, it’s hope—that somehow, someway, through some miracle, things just might get better. You have to wonder if we are truly alone in this regard. —————- Email: [email protected] ; Twitter: @mlq3 Subscribe to our daily newsletter By providing an email address. I agree to the Terms of Use and acknowledge that I have read the Privacy Policy .
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