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AP Business SummaryBrief at 6:41 p.m. EST
Syrians rejoice as Assad flees, ending brutal reign
AP Sports SummaryBrief at 6:49 p.m. ESTThe Atlanta Hawks were fined $100,000 by the NBA on Tuesday after a league investigation into star guard Trae Young missing an NBA Cup game two weeks ago. The NBA found the Hawks violated the league's Player Participation Policy when the 26-year-old American missed a November 12 contest at Boston. The probe, which included a review by an independent physician, determined the Hawks held Young out of a game, in which he could have played, under the medical standard clause of the policy, which is aimed at having top NBA talent play in regular-season contests. The Hawks, who beat Boston 117-116, said Young was unavailable due to tendinitis in his right Achilles tendon. Three-time NBA All-Star Young, who has not missed another game this season, has averaged 21.9 points, 3.6 rebounds and an NBA-best 11.9 assists so far this season. At 7-11, the Hawks are 11th in the Eastern Conference. The NBA also fined Sacramento Kings head coach Mike Brown $35,000 for aggressively pursuing a referee during his team's 108-103 home loss to Brooklyn on Sunday. The Kings are 8-10, 12th in the Western Conference after dropping four games in a row. js/bsp Get any of our free email newsletters — news headlines, sports, arts & entertainment, state legislature, CFD news, and more.None
CORK, Ireland , Dec. 5, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- The board of directors of Johnson Controls International plc (NYSE: JCI), the global leader in smart, healthy and sustainable buildings, has approved a regular quarterly dividend of $0.37 per share of common stock, payable on Jan. 17, 2025 , to shareholders of record at the close of business on Dec. 23, 2024 . Johnson Controls has paid a consecutive dividend since 1887. About Johnson Controls At Johnson Controls (NYSE:JCI), we transform the environments where people live, work, learn and play. As the global leader in smart, healthy and sustainable buildings, our mission is to reimagine the performance of buildings to serve people, places and the planet. Building on a proud history of nearly 140 years of innovation, we deliver the blueprint of the future for industries such as healthcare, schools, data centers, airports, stadiums, manufacturing and beyond through OpenBlue, our comprehensive digital offering. Today, with a global team of experts, Johnson Controls offers the world`s largest portfolio of building technology and software as well as service solutions from some of the most trusted names in the industry. Visit www.johnsoncontrols.com for more information and follow @Johnson Controls on social platforms. INVESTOR CONTACT: Jim Lucas Direct: +1 414.340.1752 Email: jim.lucas@jci.com MEDIA CONTACT: Danielle Canzanella Direct: +1 203.499.8297 Email: danielle.canzanella@jci.com View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/johnson-controls-announces-quarterly-dividend-302324312.html SOURCE Johnson Controls International plcSaudi Arabia approves the 2025 budget with a deficit of 101 billion Riyals
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Former Minnesota state Rep. Mary Murphy, a Duluth-area Democratic-Farmer-Labor lawmaker who was the longest-serving woman legislator in Minnesota history, has entered hospice care after suffering a stroke. In a Monday social media post, House Speaker Melissa Hortman said Murphy had a stroke last week and has since suffered a “second series of complications,” which led her family to seek end-of-life care. “Mary has had some visitors. Her family hopes that Mary could feel and appreciate their presence,” Hortman said in the post. “While heart-wrenching, the family has determined that hospice is the best solution.” As of Monday, Murphy continued to receive comfort care at a hospital until she could be placed in a hospice care facility, something the family expected to happen soon, according to Hortman. Murphy, 85, of Hermantown, was first elected to her Duluth-area district in 1976 and served 46 years before losing re-election by just 33 votes in 2022. She was among the few remaining DFL lawmakers in the Minnesota House representing a predominantly rural district. In a November interview with the Pioneer Press, Murphy said she thought political power used to be spread more evenly throughout the state. “The metro area, the other areas, still have to pull together, but it’s not as elastic as it used to be,” she said. Murphy, who taught social studies and American history at Duluth Central High School until retiring in 1997, was the second-longest-serving lawmaker in Minnesota history. Some of Murphy’s achievements while serving in the House include a successful push for a minimum wage for tipped employees and legislation increasing penalties for domestic abuse and stalking, according to a biography from House Public Information Services. Related ArticlesTrump says he can't guarantee tariffs won't raise prices, won't rule out revenge prosecutions
Falcons add Rashaan Evans to practice squadAUTODESK, INC. ANNOUNCES FISCAL 2025 THIRD QUARTER RESULTSWas the 2024 presidential election close? It certainly didn't feel that way on election night and in the days immediately after. It became clear that President-elect Donald Trump was on pace to win relatively early in the evening. Interactive maps of election results showed the entire country shifting right. By Thursday , Trump had won 51 percent of the votes that had been counted thus far, more than 3 percentage points ahead of Vice President Kamala Harris. Headlines declared that Trump's victory was " resounding " and a " rout ." His allies proclaimed it was a "decisive win" and claimed a mandate. But ballots were still being counted. As we've gotten more data and had the time to put the 2024 election in perspective, the truth has become clear: Yes, the 2024 presidential election was close. With more ballots counted, Trump's national popular vote lead is down to 1.6 points, and Harris could have won if she had done just a couple of points better in just a few states. Any argument that the 2024 election was a " landslide " is misleading. It relies on a combination of recency bias and using the wrong measuring sticks. The right way to measure an election's closeness Let's go through those measuring sticks one at a time. The most obvious one pointing to a Trump landslide is the margin in the Electoral College. After months of punditry about how the 2024 election could be one of the closest elections of all time , Trump ended up winning all seven major swing states, which came as a surprise to many Americans (although it shouldn't have been, since we and many other analysts cautioned that a sweep was a possible, even likely, outcome ). Assuming there are no faithless electors , that will give Trump a healthy 312-226 electoral-vote margin when the Electoral College convenes on Dec. 17. But because of its winner-take-all nature, the Electoral College isn't a good measure of closeness. Imagine an election where one candidate wins every state and district 50.1 percent to 49.9 percent. That candidate would romp to a 538-0 victory in the Electoral College, but that election was obviously still very close. The same principle was at play in the 2024 election: Trump won six of the seven major swing states (Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin) by 3.2 points or less. And he won Wisconsin by just 0.9 points, Michigan by just 1.4 points and Pennsylvania by just 1.7 points. That's important because if Harris had won those three states (plus all the states and districts she actually did win), she would have gotten exactly 270 Electoral College votes. From this way of thinking about the election, you can see that Pennsylvania was the decisive state in the 2024 campaign — what we at 538 call the " tipping-point state ." In other words, if Harris had done just 1.8 points better across the board — or even just in those three states (although that's not usually how elections work ) — she would be the president-elect right now. Trump's win in historical context That's a pretty close election by any standard — but we can see just how close it is by putting that number into historical context. There have been 20 presidential elections since the end of World War II, and in only six of them was the tipping-point state decided by a smaller margin than Pennsylvania was decided by this year. Granted, two of those elections were 2016 and 2020: In both of those years, the tipping-point state was Wisconsin and was decided by less than 1 point. In that sense, it's understandable that 2024 felt like a big win for Trump: It was relatively big for him . But it certainly wasn't big if you take the historical long view, or even the medium view: In the two presidential elections before Trump came on the scene, former President Barack Obama won Colorado (the tipping-point state in both 2008 and 2012) by much bigger margins than Trump won Pennsylvania by this year. And in fact, the same is true if you look at the Electoral College margin, Trump's main claim to landslide status. His likely 86-electoral-vote margin over Harris is larger than the 77 electoral votes he won by in 2016 or the 74 electoral votes that President Joe Biden won by in 2020. But it's smaller than the 126 electoral votes that Obama won by in 2012 and the 192 electoral votes that Obama won by in 2008. And once again, it is only the 14th-biggest Electoral College victory since the end of World War II. Another way to assess the closeness of an election is, of course, the national popular vote. While the popular vote doesn't affect who actually wins the election, it can be relevant in discussions of how big of a mandate the winner has to govern. By this measure as well, 2024 was a historically close election. Since the end of World War II, only three elections had popular-vote margins smaller than Trump's current 1.6-point lead: 1960, 1968 and 2000. Trump has a couple of rebuttals to this. The first is that he is only the second Republican presidential candidate to win the popular vote since 1988 (the other was then-President George W. Bush in 2004). In an era in which the American electorate is typically slightly Democratic-leaning, that is an impressive accomplishment — but it doesn't make the 2024 election a "landslide" in absolute terms. The second is that his 1.6-point popular-vote win represents a 6.1-point shift toward Republicans from the 2020 election. That's certainly a notable shift in only four years; the country hasn't changed its mind so quickly since racing 9.7 points to the left between Bush's 2004 win and Obama's 2008 win. But most of that movement is because Biden set a relatively high bar for Democrats by winning the 2020 popular vote by 4.5 points; if Biden had won by just, say, 1 point instead, the shift toward Trump wouldn't stand out. High expectations for Democrats in the popular vote, along with the widely circulated maps showing big swings toward Trump in virtually every county in the country, may have played a big role in setting those early narratives that Trump had notched an overwhelming win. Another was probably the media's repeated warnings before the election that it might take days to project a winner . While that very easily could have come to pass, we may have overemphasized the point. It was also always possible that a winner would be projected on election night, which is of course what happened. After it took until the Saturday after Election Day for media outlets to project that Biden had won the 2020 election, the relatively early projection in 2024 (ABC News projected him as the winner at 5:31 a.m. Eastern on Wednesday) probably made Trump's win seem more decisive. But once again, that's recency bias at play. The 2024 election actually took longer to project than all but three presidential elections since 1976 . Apart from the interminable 2000 (when the race came down to a recount in Florida that didn't end until Dec. 12) and 2020 elections, only 2004 kept us in more suspense. All in all, the idea that Trump won an overwhelming victory in 2024 is less grounded in the data and more based on a sense of surprise relative to (perhaps miscalibrated) expectations. Why perceptions of the 2024 election matter The debate over the closeness of the 2024 election may seem academic — Trump won; who cares if it was a landslide or not? — but it could have a very real impact on the ambitiousness of Trump's second term. Boasting about the scope of his win, Trump claimed in his victory speech that "America has given us an unprecedented and powerful mandate" to govern — a narrative that caught on in the media and with many voters, too. In a mid-November poll from HarrisX/Harvard University, 71 percent of registered voters said that Trump had a mandate to govern, including 50 percent who said he had a "strong mandate." Trump is just the latest in a long line of presidents-elect trying to convert electoral success into political capital to pass their agendas. There's just one problem: Political scientists who have studied the idea of presidential mandates generally agree that they're made up . It's basically impossible to ascertain what voters had in mind when they went to the ballot box and whether a candidate's win was an explicit endorsement for a specific policy or approach to governing. And according to research by 538 contributor Julia Azari , a professor at Marquette University, there is no relationship between how often a president-elect claims a mandate and how big their victory was. In fact, Azari even found that presidents are more likely to claim mandates when they are in a politically weak position, as a sort of act of desperation to claim that their policies have public support. But research has also found that, much like Tinker Bell , mandates can exist if enough people believe that they do. According to political scientists Lawrence Grossback, David Peterson and James Stimson , when there is a media consensus that an election carries a mandate, Congress responds by passing major legislation. Azari and Peterson have further found that politicians themselves, like Trump, can push Congress to action as well, simply by insisting that they have a mandate. And per Azari, when a president-elect insists that he has a mandate, it is often accompanied by major expansions of presidential power . In other words, regardless of how close the 2024 election was in reality, Trump's claims to a mandate suggest that Republicans are planning to govern like they won in a landslide.
GREEN BAY, Wis. (AP) — After losing to San Francisco in the playoffs three of the last five seasons, the Green Bay Packers wouldn’t mind seeing the 49ers get left out of the postseason entirely. The Packers (7-3) could damage San Francisco’s playoff hopes Sunday by beating the 49ers at Lambeau Field. San Francisco (5-5) dropped to .500 after losing at home to the Seattle Seahawks, though the 49ers remain just a game behind the Arizona Cardinals in the NFC West. “I think we’re motivated to keep winning more than anything,” Packers center Josh Myers said. “Obviously, they have knocked us out quite a bit. There’s that extra motivation behind it, but at this point, we’re just trying to churn out wins.” The 49ers will be playing this game without starting quarterback Brock Purdy, who injured his right shoulder in the Seahawks game. Although an MRI showed no structural damage, Purdy's shoulder didn't improve as the week wore on. Brandon Allen will start in Purdy's place. Green Bay is third in the NFC North and two games behind the Detroit Lions, but the Packers appear on track to at least earn a wild-card playoff berth. History suggests their path to a potential Super Bowl would get much clearer if the 49ers aren’t standing in their way. The 49ers trailed 21-14 in the fourth quarter before rallying to beat the Packers 24-21 in the divisional playoffs last year on Christian McCaffrey’s 6-yard touchdown run with 1:07 left. Now, it’s the 49ers who are struggling to protect late leads, as they’ve blown fourth-quarter advantages in three games against divisional opponents. “You could look at, ‘Hey, we’re three possessions away from being 8-2,’ but you can’t really live like that,” 49ers tight end George Kittle said. “Those are the mistakes that we’ve made to be 5-5. It’s not exactly where we want to be. It is frustrating. The nice thing is we have seven games left to go out there and play Niners football and take advantage of those opportunities.” Green Bay’s recent history of playoff frustration against the 49ers also includes a 13-10 loss at Lambeau Field in the 2021 divisional playoffs and a 37-20 road defeat in the 2019 NFC championship game. Even the Packers players who weren’t around for last season’s playoff loss realize what this game means. “I think one of the first meetings that I was in here, we had a conversation about the Niners beating us,” said Green Bay safety Xavier McKinney, who joined the Packers this season. “So I understand how important it is, and we all do.” Both teams must figure out how to convert red-zone opportunities into touchdowns. The 49ers are scoring touchdowns on just 48.8% of their drives inside an opponent’s 20-yard line to rank 27th in the NFL. The Packers are slightly worse in that regard, scoring touchdowns on 48.7% of their red-zone possessions to rank 28th. In their 20-19 victory at Chicago on Sunday, Green Bay drove to the Bears 5 without scoring on two separate series. Purdy isn't the only notable player who won't be participating in Sunday's game. San Francisco won't have four-time Pro Bowl edge rusher Nick Bosa available after he hurt his left hip and oblique against the Seahawks. Packers cornerback Jaire Alexander (knee) and linebacker Edgerrin Cooper (hamstring) also have been ruled out. Kittle expects to play for the 49ers on Sunday after missing the Seahawks game with a hamstring injury. 49ers left tackle Trent Williams (ankle) is questionable. Green Bay’s defense feasted on turnovers the first part of the season, but hasn’t been as effective in getting those takeaways lately. The Packers have 19 takeaways – already exceeding their 2023 total – but haven’t forced any turnovers in their last two games. 49ers coach Kyle Shanahan hasn’t eased McCaffrey back into the lineup in his return after missing the first eight games with Achilles tendinitis. McCaffrey has played 91% of the 49ers’ offensive snaps the past two weeks. Jordan Mason, who rushed for 685 yards during McCaffrey’s absence, has just five snaps on offense the last two games. Shanahan said he’d like to get Mason more opportunities, but it’s hard to take McCaffrey off the field. Green Bay nearly lost to the Bears because of its third-down struggles on both sides of the ball. The Packers were 1 of 5 on third-down opportunities, while the Bears went 9 of 16. The Packers’ defense could have a tough time correcting that problem against San Francisco, which has converted 45.4% of its third-down situations to rank fourth in the league. AP Pro Football Writer Josh Dubow contributed to this report. AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/NFLPercentages: FG 35.714, FT .606. 3-Point Goals: 8-20, .400 (Ayrault 2-6, Hallock 2-4, Hampton 2-2, Tate 1-2, Shumate 1-4, Kimball 0-1, Simmons 0-1) Blocked Shots: 6 (Ayrault 4, Hallock 1, Simmons 1) Turnovers: 11 (Tate 4, Hallock 1, Hampton 1, Kimball 1, Simmons 1, Sotelo 1, VanSlooten 1, Team 1) Steals: 10 (Hallock 2, Hampton 2, Simmons 2, Ayrault 1, Blair 1, Kimball 1, Tate 1) Technical Fouls: 2 (Tate 1, Team 1) Percentages: FG 40.678, FT .667. 3-Point Goals: 8-22, .364 (Suarez 3-7, Twidale 3-8, Krimili 2-7) Blocked Shots: 8 (Abigor 3, Onyiah 2, Suarez 2, Williams 1) Turnovers: 20 (Suarez 6, Williams 4, Krimili 3, Twidale 3, Abigor 1, Donez 1, Maul 1, Onyiah 1) Steals: 4 (Williams 2, Ackerman 1, Onyiah 1) Technical Fouls: 1 (Krimili 1) A_325 Officials_Juchell Wardlow, Scott Osborne, Benny Luna
November sees high box office turnout as people are returning to cinemas
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