how much is the mega worth now

how much is the mega worth now TEHRAN, Iran (AP) — Iran's government on Tuesday said it had lifted a ban on access to WhatsApp and Google Play after more than two years, the official IRNA news agency reported. The report said the country’s Supreme Council of Cyber Space made the decision in a meeting led by reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian, who has vowed to remove restrictions on social media. Iran’s telecommunication minister Sattar Heshemi in a post on X called the decision a “first step” in removing restrictions and said “the path will continue" — indicating the possibility of unblocking other services. Many people reached by The Associated Press across the capital, Tehran, and other cities said they had access to the services on computers but not yet on mobile phones. WhatsApp has been the third most popular messaging platform in Iran after Instagram and Telegram. The ban on WhatsApp and Google Play was put in place in 2022 during mass protests against the government over the death of a woman held by the country’s morality police for allegedly violating the strictly enforced dress code. The protests calmed in 2023 after a crackdown by police and security forces that led to the death of hundreds of people and the imprisonment of thousands. Iran has blocked access to various social media platforms over the years but many people in the country use proxies and VPNs to access them.'24 in 24': Sask. woman's initiative collects almost 750 kg of food for the community

None

Ballot recount confirms Woog’s win in House District 19JEFFERSON CITY — A Missouri judge last week torpedoed parts of a state law that have required sweeping redactions to court records, preventing the public from accessing routine information. Moniteau County Associate Circuit Judge Aaron Martin ruled provisions requiring redaction of witness and victim information from court records violate the First and 14th amendments to the U.S. Constitution as well as the Missouri Constitution’s open-courts requirement . Martin, in a two-page order issued on Friday, declared the two provisions unconstitutional and thereby unenforceable. The 2023 law required attorneys and judicial officers to redact the names of all witnesses and victims involved in lawsuits and criminal proceedings. That resulted in one of the most restrictive redaction laws in the country that prevents news reporters, appellate lawyers and regular citizens from obtaining routine information, including the names of people killed in homicides, from public court records, the plaintiffs argued. Mark Sableman, attorney for the Missouri Broadcasters Association , one of the plaintiffs in the case, said in a statement he was gratified the judge agreed the “blanket ban” on witness and victim names in court filings was unconstitutional. “His order restores Missouri court filings to the way they have always been for centuries, until last year — transparent and open to the public, except for those unusual situations where there is a proven need for confidentiality,” Sableman said. Maddie Sieren, spokesperson for the Missouri attorney general’s office, which defended the provisions in court, did not immediately say whether the state would appeal the ruling. The ruling followed a lawsuit filed on behalf of lawyers and journalists in May. Arguments in the case took place Dec. 4 in Cole County Circuit Court. In addition to the Missouri Broadcasters Association, other plaintiffs were attorneys Michael Gross and Nina McDonnell, Gateway Journalism Review publisher William Freivogel and Gray Local Media, owner of KMOV-TV (Channel 4). Chad Mahoney, president and CEO of the broadcasters associated, said in a statement the decision wasn’t just a win for journalists and lawyers, but “for every Missourian and every person interested in government transparency.”Like it or not, the Constitution’s First Amendment gives the media special protection in the American republic. That amendment says, “Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom ... of the press.” With one of the recent presidential candidates unconstitutionally threatening to shut down media outlets or take away their (nonexistent) licenses when they say or do something he doesn’t like, it is not hard to imagine him in office trying to ferret out government whistleblowers by applying legal coercion to force members of the press to cough up their sources. In fact, this candidate, when he was president previously, did precisely that, as did his predecessor from the opposite party to an even greater extent. Forty-nine states and the District of Columbia have laws or state court rulings that shield reporters from such government coercion. Despite the special protection of the media by the Constitution at the national level, no similar federal law exists to provide the same safeguard. Thus, federal Circuit Courts of Appeals rulings have had to give some stopgap protection. Why is a federal shield law for reporters needed? If the government cannot keep its essential information under wraps, then the media should be free to publish it for public inspection. However, the government doesn’t see it that way, and it has plenty of coercive legal power to subpoena reporters of leaked information to divulge their sources so that any government leaker can be prosecuted. And legally, if reporters gather or transmit vaguely defined “national defense information” from leakers or whistleblowers, the journalists can risk being prosecuted criminally through the Espionage Act of 1917; only tradition has circumscribed the prosecution of reporters under the law. Of course, the general lack of protection for reporters’ sources dissuades such federal whistleblowers from talking to reporters about wrongdoing or corruption in government. Even in a republic, the public should be aware that plenty of corruption and skullduggery exist in government. A proposed federal shield law, the PRESS (Protect Reporters from Exploitative State Spying) Act, is going through Congress and passed by the House of Representatives unanimously twice (an unusual feat of consensus in today’s polarized political world). However, the bill has been opposed in the Senate by a small group of members because it would encourage leaks of national security and law enforcement information. Yet, the bill has exceptions to force reporters to divulge sources to prevent any acts of terrorism or imminent violence and does not provide immunity to reporters who commit illegal acts to obtain information (such as hacking, etc.). Also, it is widely acknowledged that much overclassification exists in information classified by the feds for “national security” reasons and that classification can be flagrantly abused to hide information that is embarrassing to the government. Finally, the few senators objecting to the bill claim to be constitutional textualists and originalists. Yet, the First Amendment’s prohibition on abridging the freedom of the press mentions no exception for “national security.” Besides, the government has so much coercive power that it can often find leakers and prosecute them without intimidating reporters to divulge their sources. With any federal shield law, it may seem that reporters have been designated as a special class of citizens, but the First Amendment already realizes that keeping a vibrant republic demands special protections to maintain a free press. (In the internet era, however, any conception of journalists may need to be widened to include new forms of the profession.) And those safeguards for the press may be especially needed if a candidate is elected who parrots Joseph Stalin by deeming the press “an enemy of the people” and regularly threatens media outlets with retribution and coercion.

Surge in Short Interest! What it Means for indie SemiconductorFlooding and potholes in Bengaluru: This year was no different

Daily Post Nigeria Edo: FRSC confirms death of two persons in road accident Home News Politics Metro Entertainment Sport Metro Edo: FRSC confirms death of two persons in road accident Published on December 24, 2024 By Enahoro Iyemefokhai The Edo State Sector Commander of the Federal Road Safety Corp, FRSC, Cyril Mathew, has confirmed the death of two persons in a road accident in the state. DAILY POST reports that the Sector Commander said the accident happened at Ikhinero community on the Benin-Agbor road. Mathew said four other passengers in the affected vehicles also sustained various degrees of injuries. The Sector Commander who attributed the accident to overspeeding, said three vehicles were involved in the crash. According to him, the accident happened around 6:10pm along the Benin-Agbor road by Guinness depot due to speed. “Six persons including two male adults and four female adults were involved in the accident. Two were killed while four others were injured. “The injured were rushed to the hospital for treatment while the deceased were deposited at the morgue”, he said. He, however, charged motorists to drive safely, obey traffic rules and regulations, avoid night journeys and drunk driving and fasten their seat belts to reach their destinations safely during the yuletide. Related Topics: edo FRSC Don't Miss Wedding guests abducted on Kwara highway You may like Edo: Okpebholo signs N675bn 2025 budget into law Edo Govt bans collection of revenue in cash Mutane Takwas sun mutu, wasu biyu sun Jikkata a hatsarin mota a Abia Edo Lawmaker, Sunday Ojiezele dumps PDP for APC LG chairmen suspension: PDP warns of imminent crisis as Edo Govt counters AGF Stampedes: Edo Police Command seeks role in distribution of palliatives Advertise About Us Contact Us Privacy-Policy Terms Copyright © Daily Post Media LtdThousands of defiant pro-EU protesters in Georgia staged a fresh rally Friday after the prime minister claimed victory in a "battle" against the opposition, amid a deepening post-electoral crisis. Tbilisi has been engulfed in turmoil since the governing Georgian Dream party declared that it had won a disputed October 26 election. The party's critics have accused it of creeping authoritarianism and of steering the country back towards Russia. Tens of thousands have taken to the streets since the election to protest against alleged electoral fraud. Fresh rallies took place across the country after Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced last week that Georgia would not hold talks on European Union membership until 2028. Police have fired tear gas and water cannon against pro-EU protests in Tbilisi and hundreds of arrests have been made, triggering outrage at home and mounting international condemnation. France, Germany and Poland condemned what they called the government's "disproportionate" use of force against protesters and opposition leaders in a joint statement by their foreign ministers Friday. Several thousand people blocked the street outside parliament for a ninth consecutive night Friday, some blowing whistles and others setting off firecrackers. The crowd was smaller than on previous nights and the mood quieter, but protesters rejected claims the movement was dying out. "We are fighting for our freedom," said Nana, 18, a medical student, wrapped in an EU flag, accompanied by a friend in a matching Georgian flag. "We are not going to give up." Another protester, 35-year-old academic Alexander Kavtaradze, said: "It's a battle of nerves right now. The illegitimate government is hoping we'll get tired, that fewer people will come out each day. "We will continue our fight until the end." Separate protests were held outside Georgia's Public Broadcaster -- accused of serving as a government propaganda tool -- the education ministry, and the country's tourism administration offices. Shalva Alaverdashvili, founder of the Georgian hotels' federation, told AFP that the "unexpected and unacceptable" suspension of EU accession talks has severely hit the country's tourism industry, which accounts for seven percent of the country's GDP. Thousands have also staged anti-government rallies in the second city of Batumi on the Black Sea coast. On Friday evening, a court in Tbilisi put a 19-year-old youth activist in pre-trial detention. Zviad Tsetskhladze had been arrested during the protests on charges of "organising, leading, and participating in group violence". Tsetskhladze told the judge: "Democracy in Georgia is no more. The rule of law has been crushed. "Our actions are a form of resistance, aimed at preserving the rule of law, defending democracy, and protecting the rights of every individual." Earlier Friday Prime Minister Kobakhidze praised his security forces for "successfully neutralising the protesters' capacity for violence". "We have won an important battle against liberal fascism in our country," he told a news conference, using language reminiscent of how the Kremlin in Russia targets its political opponents. "But the fight is not over. Liberal fascism in Georgia must be defeated entirely, and work towards this goal will continue," Kobakhidze said. He repeated an earlier threat to "complete the process of neutralising the radical opposition". With both sides ruling out a compromise, there appeared to be no clear route out of the crisis. The leader of the opposition Lelo party, Mamuka Khazaradze, said the ruling party "no longer has the strength or resources to stand against the people." The government "has resorted to arresting young activists and political opponents out of fear of relentless public protests and growing civil disobedience by public servants," he told AFP. The interior ministry said police had detained three more individuals Friday for "participating in group violence", punishable by up to nine years' jail. Masked officers have raided several opposition party offices and arrested opposition leaders earlier this week, while around 300 people have been detained at rallies. On Friday Nika Gvaramia, leader of the opposition Akhali party, was sentenced to 12 days in prison. Alexandre Elisashvili, leader of the Strong Georgia opposition group, was remanded in custody for two months of pretrial detention. More trouble is expected after December 14, when Georgian Dream lawmakers elect a loyalist to succeed pro-Western President Salome Zurabishvili. She has vowed not to step down until the parliamentary polls are re-run. Local media has also reported protests across the country, including in the cities of Batumi, Kutaisi, Zugdidi, Rustavi and Telavi. Critics of Georgian Dream are enraged by what they call its betrayal of Tbilisi's bid for EU membership, enshrined in the constitution and supported by around 80 percent of the population. Several ambassadors, a deputy foreign minister, and other officials have resigned over the suspension of EU talks. Georgian Dream, in power for more than a decade, has advanced controversial legislation in recent years, targeting civil society and independent media and curbing LGBTQ rights. Brussels warned such policies were incompatible with EU membership, while domestic critics accuse the government of copying Russia's playbook. Georgia's own rights ombudsman Levan Ioseliani has accused the police of "torture" against those arrested. ub-im/jj

No. 24 Illinois 38, Rutgers 31SAND SPRINGS, Okla. , Dec. 2, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Webco Industries, Inc. (OTC: WEBC) today reported results for our first quarter of fiscal year 2025, which ended October 31, 2024 . For our first quarter of fiscal year 2025, we had a net loss of $0.1 million , or a loss of $0.13 per diluted share, while in our first quarter of fiscal year 2024, we had net income of $5.1 million , or $6.25 per diluted share. Net sales for the first quarter of fiscal 2025 were $141.4 million , a 10.4 percent decrease from the $157.8 million of sales in the first quarter of fiscal year 2024. Dana S. Weber , Chief Executive Officer and Board Chair, stated, "The domestic manufacturing economy has been worsening over the past year. Further, we have certain markets that are being adversely impacted by foreign imports. We continue to focus on positioning Webco for various economic environments and opportunities by maintaining a strong balance sheet and good liquidity and making compelling investments in our business. Our total cash, short-term investments and available credit on our revolver were $89.0 million at October 31, 2024 , which we believe to be a competitive advantage." In the first quarter of fiscal year 2025, we had income from operations of $1.1 million after depreciation of $4.7 million . The first fiscal quarter of the prior year generated income from operations of $8.0 million after depreciation of $3.7 million . Gross profit for the first quarter of fiscal 2025 was $13.6 million , or 9.7 percent of net sales, compared to $21.6 million , or 13.7 percent of net sales, for the first quarter of fiscal year 2024. Selling, general and administrative expenses were $12.6 million in the first quarter of fiscal 2025 and $13.6 million in the first quarter of fiscal 2024. SG&A expenses in the first quarter of fiscal year 2025 reflect a decrease in costs related to lower profitability, such as company-wide incentive compensation and variable pay programs, offset by inflation we have experienced in wages and other expenses. Interest expense was $1.2 million in the first quarter of fiscal year 2025 and $1.3 million in the same quarter of fiscal year 2024. Average construction-based investments decreased in fiscal year 2025 and, as a result, capitalized interest decreased $0.2 million when compared to the first quarter of fiscal year 2024. Capitalized interest decreases net interest expense in the consolidated statement of operations. Notwithstanding capitalized interest, the impact of increased interest rates was more than offset by lower average debt balances. Capital expenditures incurred amounted to $5.1 million in the first quarter of fiscal year 2025, down from $10.1 in the first quarter of fiscal year 2024. Included in our capital spending for the first quarter of fiscal year 2024 was construction of our F. William Weber Leadership Campus, which houses our Tech Center and corporate headquarters. The Tech Center, which is the tip of the spear that leads Webco's trusted and technical brand throughout our industry, was completed in the fourth quarter of fiscal year 2024. As of October 31, 2024 , we had $18.6 million in cash and short-term investments, in addition to $70.4 million of available borrowing under our $220 million senior revolving credit facility. Availability on the revolver, which had $44.0 million drawn at October 31, 2024 , was subject to advance rates on eligible accounts receivable and inventories. Our term loan and revolver mature in September 2027. Accounting rules require asset-based debt agreements like our revolver to be classified as a current liability, despite its fiscal year 2028 maturity. Webco's stock repurchase program authorizes the purchase of our outstanding common stock in private or open market transactions. In September 2023 , the Company's Board of Directors refreshed the repurchase program with a new limit of up to $40 million and extended the program's expiration until July 31 , 2026. We purchased 2,850 shares of our stock during the first quarter of fiscal year 2025. Including the current fiscal year, Webco has purchased approximately 158,000 shares over the course of the last five fiscal years. The repurchase plan may be extended, suspended or discontinued at any time, without notice, at the Board's discretion. Webco's mission is to continuously build on our strengths as we create a vibrant company for the ages. We leverage our core values of trust and teamwork, continuously building strength, agility and innovation. We focus on practices that support our brand such that we are 100% engaged every day to build a forever kind of company for our Trusted Teammates, customers, business partners, investors and community. We provide high-quality carbon steel, stainless steel and other metal specialty tubing products designed to industry and customer specifications. We have five tube production facilities in Oklahoma and Pennsylvania and eight value-added facilities in Oklahoma , Illinois , Michigan , Pennsylvania and Texas , serving customers globally. Our F. William Weber Leadership Campus is in Sand Springs, Oklahoma and houses our corporate offices and our Webco TechCenterTM, providing a state-of-the-art laboratory and R & D facility to lead and develop technical solutions. Risk Factors and Forward-looking statements: Certain statements in this release, including, but not limited to, those preceded by or predicated upon the words "anticipates," "appears," "believes," "estimates," "expects," "forever," "hopes," "intends," "plans," "projects," "pursue," "should," "will," "wishes," or similar words may constitute "forward-looking statements." Such forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other important factors that could cause the actual results, performance or achievements of the Company, or industry results, to differ materially from any future results, performance or achievements expressed or implied herein. Such risks, uncertainties and factors include the factors discussed above and, among others: general economic and business conditions, including any global economic downturn; government policy or low hydrocarbon prices that stifle domestic investment in energy; competition from foreign imports, including any impacts associated with dumping or the strength of the U.S. dollar; political or social environments that are unfriendly to industrial or energy-related businesses; changes in manufacturing technology; the banking environment, including availability of adequate financing; worldwide and domestic monetary policy; changes in tax rates and regulation; regulatory and permitting requirements, including, but not limited to, environmental, workforce, healthcare, safety and national security; availability and cost of adequate qualified and competent personnel; changes in import / export tariff or restrictions; volatility in raw material cost and availability for the Company, its customers and vendors; the cost and availability, including time for delivery, of parts and services necessary to maintain equipment essential to the Company's manufacturing activities; the cost and availability of manufacturing supplies, including process gases; volatility in oil, natural gas and power cost and availability; world-wide or national transition from hydrocarbon sources of energy that adversely impact demand for our products; problems associated with product development efforts; significant shifts in product demand away from internal combustion engine automobiles; appraised values of inventories that can impact available borrowing under the Company's credit facility; declaration of material adverse change by a lender; industry capacity; domestic competition; loss of, or reductions in, purchases by significant customers and customer work stoppages; work stoppages by critical suppliers; labor unrest; conditions, including acts of God, that require more costly transportation of raw materials; accidents, equipment failures and insured or uninsured casualties; third-party product liability claims; flood, tornado, winter storms and other natural disasters; customer or supplier bankruptcy; customer or supplier declarations of force majeure; customer or supplier breach of contract; insurance cost and availability; lack of insurance coverage for floods; the cost associated with providing healthcare benefits to employees; customer claims; supplier quality or delivery problems; technical and data processing capabilities; cyberattack on our information technology infrastructure; world, domestic or regional health crises; vaccine mandates or related governmental policy that would cause significant portions of our workforce, or that of our customers or vendors, to leave their current employment; global or regional wars and conflicts; our inability or unwillingness to comply with rules required to maintain the quotation of our shares on any market place; and our inability to repurchase the Company's stock. The Company assumes no obligation to publicly update any such forward-looking statements. No assurance is provided that current results are indicative of those that will be realized in the future. - TABLES FOLLOW - SOURCE Webco Industries, Inc.ITV Emmerdale fans 'work out' true identity of Ruby Milligan's father in sick DNA twistRUKBAN CAMP, southern Syria — For almost a decade, thousands of displaced Syrians trapped in the desert struggled to survive in one of the most remote camps in the world; left without aid or medical care and largely forgotten by the outside world. The Syrians — some of them soldiers and relatives of the U.S. -backed Syrian Free Army forces against now-deposed President Bashar al-Assad — arrived fleeing ISIS when the militant group swept into Iraq and Syria in 2014. They massed in a desolate corner of southeastern Syria up against the Jordanian border and hemmed in by Syrian regime and Russian forces on the other side. With the fall of the Syrian regime this month, the more than 7,000 camp residents are finally free to leave. But the years of deprivation and isolation have taken a heavy toll. The existence of the community speaks to the complicated regional politics and the low-profile U.S. military role in Syria, as well as the possibility of dramatic transformation in seemingly unchanging conflicts. When Jordan sealed its border in 2016 after an ISIS attack killed six Jordanian soldiers, most of the Syrian civilians were trapped — unable to move forward or go back through roads controlled by the Syrian regime or even move through a desert laid with land mines. NPR traveled to the camp, about a five-hour drive from Damascus — the first journalists to ever go there, according to the main relief organization here, the U.S.-based Syrian Emergency Task Force . The camp is about 30 miles from the U.S. military's al-Tanf garrison , established in 2016. In January, Iran-backed Iraqi militia drones attacked a U.S. military support base — Tower 22 — just a few miles over a sand berm and across the border in Jordan, killing three American troops. Tanks abandoned by regime forces line the main M2 highway, the roadside dotted with cast-off uniforms. Past the U.S. base, the road turns into a rough desert trail of tracks through the black rock. "Before 2014 there were no people here at all," says Abu Mohammad Khudr, who dispenses medication from a tiny pharmacy established two years ago by Syrian Emergency Task Force. "We thought maybe the neighboring countries would help us but they didn't." The first residents came with tents, which were no match for the constant wind, searing heat and bitter cold of the desert. "After a while we decided we had to use the soil and water — so we made bricks and then we made walls and we built houses," he says. After the suicide bombing, Jordan sealed the border — preventing even aid agencies from delivering food to Rukban. Water though is still provided by UNICEF, pumped from Jordan. The sun-dried clay bricks, made by hand, are still the only building material for homes here. Instead of glass, small sheets of clear plastic cover the small window openings. With Syrian regime forces and Russian troops controlling the road out of the camp, food was in short supply and sometimes consisted only of dried bread or lentils and rice. "Most families ate just one or two meals a day," says Khudr. In one home, Afaf Abdo Mohammed says when her children were infants she used plastic bags instead of diapers. Her 16-year-old daughter, She'ala Hjab Khaled, was born with a spinal defect and spends the entire day sitting in a battered wheelchair. Syrian Emergency Task Force opened eight schools here two years ago, staffed with volunteer teachers from the camp. But She'ala has never been. "I can't get there," she says. Now free to leave, with the fall of the Syrian regime, very few residents have money for transportation to leave. Many are not sure if their homes still exist. Among Syria's many and complex tragedies, the camp has been a particular preoccupation of Mouaz Moustafa, an activist and the director of the Syrian Emergency Task Force. Two years ago he began organizing aid shipments for al-Tanf through a provision that allows humanitarian aid to be carried in unused space on U.S. military aircraft. He started bringing in American medical volunteers on two-week missions and persuaded the base commander at the time to visit the camp. Since then he says, U.S. forces have been involved in distributing aid there and when they are able, providing emergency medical care. "It really brought everyone together more," says Moustafa. Syrian Emergency Task Force is funded by donations and staffed largely by volunteers. He says some of the soldiers who helped with the aid missions came back to Rukban to volunteer after being discharged. That humanitarian assistance is not something the U.S. military publicizes. The U.S. military command over the years has declined to bring in visiting journalists to its nearby base — the only access route before the fall of the regime. Syrian fighters funded and trained by the United States raised families in Rukban, according to a senior U.S. military commander. He requested anonymity to be able to speak about the camp because he was not authorized to speak publicly about it. He said doctors on the base had delivered at least 100 of their babies at the base in the case of high-risk pregnancies. The al-Tanf garrison, originally a special forces base, is now part of the anti-ISIS mission in Iraq and Syria. The presence of the U.S. military there helped protect residents from potential attacks by regime forces, he said. Near the water pipes that supply the camp, boys come to fill up smaller tanks and to chase each other in the desert. The environment here is filled with snakes and scorpions — but no trees. Some of the children have never tasted fruit. They've never seen in real life bright flowers or butterflies like the ones painted on the walls of the mud-brick schools set up by the Syrian American organization. Winter here is particularly cruel. Those who can afford to buy sticks of wood to burn in small metal stoves for heat. In one of the clay houses, Fawaz al-Taleb, a veterinarian in his home city of Homs, said he couldn't afford to buy wood this year. "We burn plastic bags, bottles, strips of old tires," he says. "This has been our life for years." Respiratory and other diseases are rampant here. For almost a decade, without a single physician in this camp, when children died, their parents often didn't know why. Outside Taleb's home, there are the beginnings of a garden started with seeds distributed by Moustafa's organization to camp residents. There isn't much that grows in the barren ground here, but Taleb points out fledgling mint, garlic and potato plants. Next to them are lillies and a rose bush. "I've been trying to plant hope," he says. "We want to live, we don't want to say 'we were born here and might die here.' No matter how bad the situation, we still want to live." Copyright 2024 NPR

Spoilers ahead for the plot and ending of Gladiator II. Does it qualify as a spoiler to report that Gladiator II ends with the flash and clang of steel? Of course not. Director Ridley Scott , like any emperor worth his weight in golden breastplates, knows that the crowd wants blood. And at the end of the belated sequel to his own Y2K sword-and-sandals phenomenon, he obliges with a climactic mano a mano between good and bad, respectively represented by Lucius (Paul Mescal), the bastard son of the original film’s hero, and the scheming Macrinus (Denzel Washington), a former slave turned power broker. By the calculus of marquee appeal, this final face-off makes sense: What could be more rousing, in theory, than Mescal versus Denzel — than pitting a rising star against one of Hollywood’s most bankable veterans? But in execution, there’s something curiously anticlimactic about the moment when Lucius and Macrinus conclusively cross blades, each flanked by an army. Their fight is satisfying neither as spectacle nor dramatic payoff. It just kind of ... happens , and then the movie ends, though not before unwisely reminding viewers of how its predecessor came together in its closing minutes. Few would accuse the original Gladiator of anticlimax. That movie had a simpler and much more irresistible structure — a kind of heightened sports-movie arc that followed Russell Crowe’s single-mindedly vengeful general turned slave Maximus as he rose to prominence in the Colosseum, rising through the ranks like a boxer chasing the heavyweight title. Every fight increased his sway as a symbol of populist dissent in Rome, while bringing him closer to his destiny to face Joaquin Phoenix’s treacherous, conniving Commodus in the arena. By the climax, the viewer was as starved for catharsis as Maximus himself. The whole movie had inexorably built to his knock-down, drag-out tussle against the man who killed his family. Gladiator II gives Mescal’s Lucius, estranged from Rome and his mother, a similar motivation. He’s also the “husband to a murdered wife,” determined to claim revenge against the Roman general, Marcus Acacius (Pedro Pascal), who led the army against his adopted people and claimed the life of his soldier spouse. Macrinus, who purchases Lucius after he’s conscripted into gladiatorial bondage in the aftermath of defeat, promises to help his new slave achieve vengeance if he keeps winning in the arena. For a while, Gladiator II seems poised to replicate the trajectory of the first film, but with the intriguing wrinkle that the target of our hero’s fury is plenty noble himself. Pascal’s character turns out to be a decent man plotting to unseat the cruel, ineffectual emperors, complicating our sympathies in a potentially interesting way. He’s also the loving husband of Lucius’s mother, Lucilla (a returning Connie Nielsen). Like her, the audience might find its allegiances divided. Call it the Fugitive effect. But the script by David Scarpa oddly resolves this promising conflict well before the end credits. Lucius and Marcus do square off in the Colosseum, but their fight is brief, and it ends with the two realizing that they’re essentially on the same side, moments before the emperors do what Lucius won’t and condemn Marcus to a bloody, pitiless death. Are these two giggling, sadistic despots — a double dose of Commodus, by the more-is-more arithmetic of sequels — the real villains of Gladiator II ? No, the film reserves that title for Washington’s Machiavellian Macrinus, who wants to destroy Rome from within, and who ends up leading the Roman army against a mutinous cavalry assembled by the executed Marcus and eventually rallied by Lucius. All of this is much more convoluted than the way Gladiator steadily drew Maximus and Commodus together, their final battle taking on the inevitability of fate. It’s not just that Macrinus, for all of Washington’s wicked scenery chewing (the sense that he’s actually having fun , unlike any of his co-stars), isn’t as memorable or hissable an adversary as Commodus. The real problem is that his relationship with Lucius never evolves beyond an uneasy alliance of convenience, and so when they find themselves on opposite sides of the battlefield, their duel lacks anything resembling a personal stake. In the end, we’re just watching two political positions duke it out: our hero’s suddenly idealistic belief in the principles of Rome versus the villain’s cynical embrace of anarchy. To put it mildly, that’s not nearly as exciting as Commodus reaping what he sowed. There’s little sense, as in Gladiator , that the movie has been building to this matchup all along. It doesn’t help that the fight itself passes in a hasty, indifferently choreographed blur. It’s over as soon as it begins, Macrinus sinking into shallow water just in time for Lucius to deliver a supposedly inspirational speech on the importance of the republic without a single line as stirring as Maximus’s simple, parting, “There was a dream that was Rome, it shall be realized.” Mescal is a fine, sensitive actor, but he’s out of his depth trying to fill Crowe’s shoes. It’s difficult to buy him as either a commanding military leader or a mythic action hero, a force of rage personified. Mostly, these final minutes feel like a microcosm for the whole underwhelming film. They underscore how much Gladiator II fails to replicate the power of Gladiator , even as it sweatily bombards us with new attractions — sharks! baboons! warships! — like a Vegas fight promoter leaning way too hard on his undercard. Of course, the movie knows very well that it’s operating in the shadow of its iconic predecessor; like a lot of so-called legacy sequels, it turns that subtext into text, in this case via the story of a son trying to live up to the memory of his famous father. But no comparison between the endings of these two movies would do the new one any favors. It’s in its final scene that Gladiator II really betrays the insecurity of its design, as Lucius makes like his dad once did and scoops up a handful of dirt — a visual callback that Scott chases with actual footage from the ending of Gladiator , set to the same elegiac Hans Zimmer ballad, “Now We Are Free,” that he cued up at the end of his earlier film. It’s truly a Hail Mary: a late, blatant attempt to trigger our nostalgic emotions. But the grandeur of the original’s ending has slipped away, like sand between fingers.Georgian Protesters Rally Ahead Of Potentially Explosive Day In TbilisiStock up on these popular board games for your next get-together

The cohesiveness of a community really stands out when blazing embers are blasting across the neighbourhood, according to a Vancouver Island emergency planning officer. Erin Stockill of Saanich saw it firsthand when a large under-construction condo complex caught fire during this week's windstorm and neighbouring residents were removed from their homes in the wee hours of Nov. 20. “We really encourage people to get to know their neighbours,” Stockill said. “We certainly saw the importance and difference it can make to know your neighbours and support them.” The structure fire didn’t come with a warning, but the windstorm did. With rapidly improving information and technology, the heads-up on extreme weather comes earlier and earlier. Even as some Island residents awaited the return of power or opening of roads, a second wind alert for Vancouver Island sent some into a new tizzy. The second bout expected to arrive Friday (Nov. 22) promises to be weaker than the first, with winds peaking in the 80 km/h range, said Yimei Li, meteorologist with Environment and Climate Change Canada. The latest low pressure is less intense than the previous, she said, noting it should be relatively quiet for a few days, though temperatures are dipping. Overnight lows are anticipated near 0 C for Nov. 26. Experts suggest using the days where the weather is a little better to hazard hunt in the yard; perhaps packing up the patio furniture before it starts to blow and look at trees that may need a little TLC after a dry summer or extra wet fall. “Take advantage and do that now,” Stockill said. She wants folks to reflect on the moments ahead of the bomb cyclone that recently raged across the coast, leaving more than 320,000 BC Hydro customers without power at its peak. “What items could I have had at home that would make me feel more prepared and more resilient?” Stockill said. “Take those little steps toward preparedness for a power outage and you’re more ready for a larger event.” As fall slides into winter, Stockill recommends residents identify a bad-weather buddy, making those connections while the sun shines, so both parties are ready when it gets gross, or worse. “That’s a free way to take steps toward preparedness,” she said. “Make those connections now, especially if we’re looking at snow in the coming winter months.” Autumn in Greater Victoria has been wetter than normal according to Li’s data. From Sept. 1 to Nov. 18, the University of Victoria weather station saw 225 mm of rain, 24 per cent above normal, Victoria Gonzales saw 210 mm of rain, 36 per cent above normal, and there was 246 mm of rain at the Victoria International Airport, four per cent above normal for the same period in previous years. Forecasters say a wetter, colder winter is on the horizon. That likely means snow. “With a La Nina year, there’s always the possibility there could be some snow. We don’t always get snow for the South Coast but for La Nina years it’s more likely because it’s colder and wetter,” Li said. While there’s no snow anticipated at the moment, snowflakes have appeared in the forecast for parts of Vancouver Island and temperatures are expected to dip into that territory. People should start planning early and register for municipal alert programs or apps. They should also pay attention to provincial alerts that warn of expected flooding, tsunami and now even earthquakes. Those are free. Another item on the preparation agenda is sitting down and creating a family plan. “We all know we're in a time where the cost of living is astronomical and there can be hesitation to take steps toward preparedness because of costs,” Stockill said, a proponent of thrifting and re-purposing where possible. Start small, she suggests, following checklists and supports online. Find some of the Saanich supports at saanich.ca and find federal preparedness tips at getprepared.gc.ca .

NEW YORK , Nov. 22, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Rosen Law Firm, a global investor rights law firm, announces the filing of a class action lawsuit on behalf of all purchasers of securities of Xerox Holdings Corporation (NASDAQ: XRX) between January 25, 2024 and October 28, 2024 . Xerox describes itself as a "company that offers workplace technology that integrates hardware, services, and software for enterprises in the Americas, and internationally." Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.Union members held a celebration for a new building for future builders in East Moline Friday morning. The Mid-America Carpenters Regional Council held a ribbon cutting in honor of the grand opening of its new Quad-Cities campus. The 55,000 square foot building at 408 Carpenter Court in East Moline will be home to both the Associated General Contractors of the Quad Cities and the Millwright Contractors Associates. The Mid-America Carpenters Regional Council had a big day on Friday, Nov. 22, when it celebrated the grand opening of its new 55,000 square foot training facility at 408 Carpenter Court in East Moline. Phil Davidson, director of communications for MACRC, said the new building is outfitted with classrooms, to allow for both classroom work and ongoing training in the field. For the millwrights, it offers more floor space and updated technology to allow them to work on the newest machines available, to help prepare students for the real world. Each of the two unions had previous buildings they were using, but outgrew them due to increased recruitment. During a welcome ceremony Friday, MACRC Executive Secretary-Treasurer Kevin McLaughlin spoke about the importance of the moment and the building. He became an apprentice in 1984 and worked his way up over the last 40 years. It was an honor to open the new building, he said to the crowd. "The fact that we have this many people that we have here today is a testament to the value and impact that this new training center will have on our unique partners and millwrights, as well as our Quad-Cities region as a whole," he said. "We've always said that the Mid-American Carpenters Regional Councils are positive for communities, and this partnership with East Moline is a perfect example of that." That partnership was a point East Moline Mayor Reggie Freeman hit on during his own speech. When the city was first approached about the idea of building a new facility, he said, the first thing he looked for was the opportunity to work with business partners, bring new jobs to the area and work toward economic development. Freeman said in high school he had dreams of being a carpenter himself, but ultimately followed a different path. Still, the profession is needed and developing those skills in East Moline strengthens both the job market and the economy as a whole. "You're looking at a profession now that's going to get you somewhere. You're looking at a profession now that brings continuity to the people in the Quad-Cities area, and around this area," he said to the crowd. "Not only do we have economic development here, we're bringing other things here. When all the students arrive in East Moline, they're staying in our city, they're spending money in our city and the communities around around us." Speaking from the state perspective, state Sen. Mike Halpin said Illinois a place where labor is valued, and the creation of the new building proves that. There are more than 350 apprentices enrolled across the two programs, showing a strong value and dedication in the labor force. "This building is the end result of a vision many years in the making, and I think by far the most important thing is that this center ... is of the members, by the members and for the members," he said. "You guys built this yourself the same way that you built the industry here in the Quad-Cities, throughout the State of Illinois and throughout the nation." Halpin said the building was a symbol of the path to the middle class, the path to workers being able to support their families, the path a comfortable living and a retirement that can be spent comfortably and with dignity. "That's all in part because of the collective nature of what we do for the brothers and sisters in the labor movement, providing for each other, negotiating ways and working conditions that are going to benefit you, and in exchange, you are giving the contractors a great product with higher quality work, faster completion times and the skills you can bring," he said. Local 46, union represented prison employees in East Moline, demand safer workplace conditions from IDOC. Union membership in the United States reached a historic low last year with a 2023 rate of just 10%—half that of 1983—according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics . Despite lower rates of membership, labor-movement contributions and milestones continue. Decades of union reform work culminated in 2023 with historic contract victories for Teamsters and the United Auto Workers. In September 2023, President Joe Biden became the first sitting president to appear on a picket line, joining autoworkers in Michigan striking for higher wages. Stacker compiled a list of 30 consequential victories that unions fought for in the name of workers' rights. The list includes information about the milestones unions achieved and the circumstances that made those victories worth fighting for. There have been far more losses than victories over the decades, but the victories made earning a living in the United States a much more equitable, fair, safe, and profitable proposition. American workers today have a host of rights and resources should their workplaces be hostile or harmful because of a rich labor-movement history that put an end to child labor, 16-hour workdays, and unsafe working conditions. Organized labor—namely, unions—is also responsible for securing a 40-hour workweek, minimum wage (such as it is), anti-discrimination laws, and other basic protections that were once far-off pipe dreams for millions of American men, women, and children laboring in subpar and dangerous conditions for poverty wages. These wins show what is possible for the modern labor movement. Keep reading to explore 30 hard-fought victories that America's working class won in our names. You may also like: The states with the most gambling revenue growth in 2023 The rise of so-called journeymen societies in 1794 led to the creation of the Federal Society of Journeymen Cordwainers of Philadelphia, which worked to protect the wages of shoemakers, who toiled in a large and profitable industry. The society was the first true union and can be considered the genesis of the American labor movement. The moment is also significant because it was the first time tradespeople organized for protection against "scabs," workers willing to undermine demands for better pay by agreeing to work for cheaper wages—a dynamic that would remain a central theme throughout the entire history of the labor movement. A court in 1806 ruled against the shoemakers and declared organizing for higher wages a criminal conspiracy. More than three decades later, in 1842, a high court in Massachusetts overturned that precedent in Commonwealth v. Hunt, declaring that workers do, in fact, have a right to organize and strike. The end of slavery emboldened laborers around the country to capitalize on the national sentiment and pursue better conditions for themselves. A year after the Civil War, the formation of the National Labor Union represented the first nationally organized workers' rights group. The organization's efforts went a long way to raising awareness, but the group dissolved in 1873 and soon after, a series of violent strikes and successful corporate anti-labor campaigns compelled much of America to sour on the movement. On Sept. 5, 1882, New York City hosted the country's first Labor Day Parade; around 10,000 workers marched in what is now an annual event, and the holiday was soon moved to the first Monday in September, just as it is celebrated today. Although a parade, of course, didn't directly improve working conditions, the moment signified a psychological victory for labor and indicated a shift in public opinion that would ultimately lead to the rise of the progressive era in the 20th century. In the second half of the 19th century, several major labor groups like the American Federation of Labor emerged as major strikers and often-brutal government and corporate reprisals created a nearly constant state of unrest. Much of that unrest was concentrated around railroad work, most notably, the Pullman Strike of 1894. In an effort to quell tensions, the federal government passed the Erdman Act, which provided workers with arbitration and mediation options, while banning railroad companies from firing or refusing to hire workers for joining a union, a common intimidation tactic known as yellow-dog contracts. It would eventually lead to the more comprehensive Railway Labor Act of 1926, but not before the Supreme Court struck down the Erdman Act's key provisions 10 years later in 1908. You may also like: These 25 counties have the most debt in collections in the US In 1909, the women's rights movement and the labor movement converged with the Uprising of the 20,000, a strike launched by sweatshop laborers known as shirtwaist workers, who were mostly young, immigrant women. The strikers protested low wages, long hours, and appalling conditions, especially the frequent and intentional locking of doors and fire escapes to prevent workers from leaving or even from taking breaks. The uprising secured the support of the powerful and well-heeled Women's Trade Union League, and by 1910, most of the protestor's employers agreed to sign union contracts. On March 25, 1911, the deadliest industrial disaster in New York City history changed the course of the labor movement when the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire killed 146 sweatshop workers, mostly women. Although the owners and management staff escaped unharmed, the workers found themselves in a death trap of locked doors, blocked fire escapes, and highly flammable material, like the kind the 1909 protestors had warned about. Although the fire itself, of course, was hardly a victory for labor, the death of the workers was not in vain—it galvanized the previously scattered and frequently infighting labor movement to unify, and stoked public outrage and demand for change. On March 4, 1913, the efforts of generations of labor activists were realized, at least in part, when President William Howard Taft signed a law creating the U.S. Department of Labor. The labor movement now had representation in a Cabinet-level agency. By the turn of the 20th century, 2 million children were laboring on farms, on city streets, and in mills, mines, factories, and stores. The work of social reformers and a nationwide campaign by National Child Labor Committee photographer Lewis W. Hine to chronicle and publicize the abuses led to calls for reform. In 1916, the Keating-Owen Act limited the number of hours children could work and prohibited interstate sale of merchandise produced by child labor, but the Supreme Court ruled the act unconstitutional just nine months later. The disparaging term "redneck" can be traced to 1921 when 10,000 West Virginia coal miners rose up against mining companies, managers, and their allies in government after decades of abuses in what was the largest uprising in labor history and the most significant armed insurrection since the Civil War. Tying red bandanas around their necks in a show of unity, the miners faced off against thousands of heavily armed company agents, scab workers, law enforcement officers, and military personnel who confronted the workers with heavy machine guns and, eventually, the only aerial bombardment of American civilians in U.S. history. At least 100 people died and 1 million rounds of ammunition were fired before the rebellion was put down, but the efforts of the miners would lead to some immediate improvement in conditions and, more importantly, a larger voice during FDR's future New Deal negotiations. You may also like: In-person, online, or hybrid shopping? American consumer habits are changing in surprising ways Shortly after the Civil War, George Pullman revolutionized travel with luxurious railroad sleeping cars, each of which came with a personal attendant called a Pullman Car porter. Consisting entirely of black men—originally recently freed slaves—the position was considered prestigious in the African American community, but the reality was grueling work, long hours, low pay, and daily indignities and mistreatment. In 1925, after 12 years of struggle, the Pullman Porters formed their own union, becoming the first black labor union in history to force a powerful corporation to the negotiating table, marking a triumph of both labor rights and civil rights. After decades of widespread, public, and often violent labor strikes—which were commonly put down by force with the aid of government troops—President Calvin Coolidge compelled unions and railroad bosses to agree on a different means of conflict resolution. In 1926, the Railway Labor Act substituted strikes for bargaining, mediation, and arbitration, and gave both unions and railroad companies the opportunity and responsibility to negotiate before resorting to strikes. It was the first federal law that guaranteed workers the right to organize, unionize, and choose their own leaders without company interference. By 1931, the Great Depression was raging; the masses were desperate for work and employers found it easy to offer take-it-or-leave-it wage ultimatums. The Davis-Bacon Act required private contractors on all significant public-works construction projects to pay workers the "prevailing wage." Those wages generally corresponded with union wages, and the standard now covers one in five construction projects and one in four construction workers at any given time. In 1932, labor made major gains when the Norris-LaGuardia Act prevented federal courts from issuing injunctions to stop peaceful union strikes and protests, which had long hurt their ability to organize. It also protected workers from being fired for joining a union or from being forced to sign yellow-dog contracts, which demanded a vow not to join a union. History was made in 1933 when Frances Perkins became the first woman ever to serve in a presidential Cabinet position—but the milestone was literally forged in fire. Twenty-two years earlier, Perkins was in New York City, having tea in Washington Square, when sirens and growing commotion compelled her to join a gathering crowd outside the towering inferno of the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, where she watched helplessly as 47 workers, mostly young women, made the agonizing choice to jump to their deaths instead of burning alive. She later called the catastrophe "the day the New Deal was born." You may also like: What kinds of mobile apps are performing the best? Frances Perkins is a towering figure in American labor, having dedicated her life and career to the common worker and the downtrodden in general. When FDR asked Perkins to join his Cabinet, the woman who would become the principal architect of the New Deal made it clear that she would only agree if Roosevelt backed her priorities, which the president promised he would. Those priorities, according to the Frances Perkins Center , were an amalgamation of the ideals the labor movement had pursued for generations: "a 40-hour work week, a minimum wage, unemployment compensation, worker's compensation, abolition of child labor, direct federal aid to the states for unemployment relief, Social Security, a revitalized federal employment service, and universal health insurance." The National Labor Relations Act legitimized, enfranchised, and vindicated the workers' rights movement more than any provision that had come before. The culmination of decades of union struggle, the act guaranteed the rights of private-sector workers to unionize, engage in collective bargaining for higher wages and better conditions, and, if necessary, to strike. It remains the foundation of modern American labor law. At 8 p.m. on the night before Christmas Eve in 1936, autoworkers in Flint, Mich., took over one—and later, several—major GM factories, locking themselves in, refusing to work, and bringing production to a standstill. The company tried to freeze and starve them out, and the courts deemed the strike illegal, but the workers refused to budge. The governor also refused to send in the National Guard. In February 1937, after 44 days of dramatic stalemate, GM—arguably the most powerful and politically influential company in the world—capitulated to most of the workers' demands, which included a fair minimum wage scale, protections against injury for assembly line workers, a grievance system, and the recognition of the United Auto Workers (UAW) union. The crowning achievement of the American union movement came in 1938 with the signing of the Fair Labor Standards Act, which guaranteed a minimum wage, an eight-hour workday, a 40-hour workweek, and time-and-a-half overtime. It also mandated that minors under 18 be barred from certain hazardous work and prevented children under 16 from working in mines or manufacturing, or in any job during school hours. The act ushered American labor into the modern era, gave 700,000 Americans an immediate raise, and continues to serve as the basic foundation of workers' rights and protections in the United States. In 1941, the Fair Employment Practice Commission (FEPC) was assembled to enforce an executive order from President Roosevelt that barred employment discrimination based on race, national origin, color, or creed in defense or government industries that received federal funding. FEPC served as the teeth of the executive order, as the commission was authorized to investigate complaints of discrimination and take action against offending companies or organizations. You may also like: Forcing people back into the office is once again leading to increased carbon emissions On Jan. 17, 1962, President John F. Kennedy signed an executive order that for the first time gave federal employees the right to unionize and engage in collective bargaining. Although private-sector employees had enjoyed these basic rights for decades, the moment was a milestone for federal workers. The women's rights movement and the labor movement ran parallel to each other and often intertwined from the very beginning. In 1963, the two movements achieved a mutual milestone when JFK signed the Equal Pay Act. An amendment to the Fair Labor Standards Act, the Equal Pay Act banned pay disparity for equal work based on gender. Although the 1964 Civil Rights Act mandated sweeping social reforms that were by no means limited to labor, union-backed workers' rights campaigns were central to the civil rights movement—Martin Luther King Jr. was murdered in Memphis while supporting a strike by sanitation workers. The landmark civil rights legislation, in part, banned workplace discrimination based on race, gender, religion, color, or national origin. Organized labor continued its run of success in 1967 with the Age Discrimination in Employment Act. It prevented hiring discrimination based on age and protected workers over 40 or those collecting age-related federal benefits from termination or forced retirement. The act basically extended to older workers the rights associated with the 1964 Civil Rights Act. From black lung and mine collapses to farming accidents and factory fires, American workers were driven to unionize first and foremost for their own safety, health, and wellbeing, which were often afterthoughts for the companies that used their labor. The Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) required employers to protect their workers from toxic substances, mechanical dangers, unsanitary conditions, excessive heat and cold, and other known physical hazards. The legislation created OSHA to inspect, investigate, and enforce the measure. You may also like: These states offer the greatest benefits to veteran-owned businesses A central thesis of the workers' rights movement is that a lifetime of labor should guarantee a stable retirement. In 1974, the Employee Retirement and Security Income Act protected workers enrolled in private-industry pension plans by setting minimum standards for how those plans are managed. The legislation required companies to disclose information about the plans to their employees and also put fiduciary responsibility on the people or organizations in charge of their assets. Union workers long lived with the knowledge that a decision could be made to close their auto plant or coal mine without them knowing that their next paycheck would be their last. In 1988, however, Congress signed the Worker Adjustment and Retraining Notification Act without President Ronald Reagan's signature. The act required most companies with more than 100 workers to give 60-days advance written notice if mass layoffs or plant closings were imminent. The Americans With Disabilities Act amended the 1964 Civil Rights Act to include workers with disabilities. It also required employers to make reasonable accommodations in terms of accessibility and other special needs. The Family and Medical Leave Act required employers to allow their workers to take off 12 job-protected workweeks in a year for things like the birth or adoption of a child, a serious illness, or to care for a seriously ill child or spouse. There are also extended considerations involving military families. Unlike in most wealthy Western countries, however, the act does not mandate paid maternity or paternity leave, which means the time off is guaranteed, but uncompensated. The 2009 amendment to the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, was so-named for the plaintiff in a Supreme Court case that spurred the legislation. Prior to 2009, the mandated 180-day statute of limitations for a worker to file an equal-pay lawsuit began when the employer made the initial discriminatory pay decision, meaning that if a woman found out she was being paid less than a man for equal work six months after she agreed to her salary, it was too late for her to file suit. The 2009 legislation reset the statute of limitations with every discriminatory paycheck received. Additional writing by Nicole Caldwell. You may also like: Robots are starting to deliver takeout orders. Are they here to stay? Get the latest local business news delivered FREE to your inbox weekly. {{description}} Email notifications are only sent once a day, and only if there are new matching items.

Watch Detroit Pistons vs. Charlotte Hornets free live streamDelta Air Lines: A Top Airline Stock To Buy For 2025

Titans QB Mason Rudolph gets another chance at starting, this time against the JagsDolphins speedster De’Von Achane has already stormed past last year’s total touches — and handling it well

EU funding for Cyprus up 70% compared to last programming period